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expenditure on strategies aimed at the medium of television, show just how far the
media have moved to the centre of the election process,even in Greece.

But the Greek case illustrates some, not all, of the elements that have been identified as
comprising ‘modernised’ or ‘media-centred democracy’ (Blumler, 1990 & 1997; Mancini,
1991; Swanson, 1993; Mancini & Swanson, 1996; Negrine, 1996; Scammell, 1995;
Mazzoleni, 1987; 1995). Despite this, there has not been a professionalisation of political
communication as commonly understood (Scammell, 1999). As we have seen, there has
been an increased use of media professionals; an increased – and more professional –
use of television and media practices; a personalisation of politics; a detachment of
parties from citizens; more political spectacle; and the media becoming more
autonomous or central to the conduct of politics. As already noted, in adopting
television-centred campaigning, the parties have moved away from the traditional
emphases on public rallies and personal contacts with party workers, so lessening the
opportunities for citizens to participate directly in campaigns and further distancing
the parties from voters. In the past, public rallies in major cities were significant events
but today it is the television debate,where ‘telegenic’politicians debate all the issues on
the TV channels. Little wonder, then, that Avriani, a populist newspaper sympathetic to
PASOK, declared on its front page ‘You can’t win elections on the couch’ and pleaded
that ‘All PASOK officials should take to the streets and deal with the people’s problems
first hand’(Avriani, 1996,p.1).

In other words, political parties have remained important, and the centralisation of
communication has always been in the hands of the group that has the upper hand in
the party. Furthermore, campaigns follow the traditional model: they are party-centred
and labour intensive; receive free television time for the public political broadcasts;
leaders front the main TV interviews and main political gatherings; they are publicly
funded; and most importantly are managed by party staff.What may have changed are
mainly the techniques the parties use for their political communication purposes.
Media and communication professionals are employed within this context and, in most
cases, only during the campaign period. In the case of Greece, it could be argued that
the new communication environment has not so much eliminated the traditional
particularistic political pressures associated with ‘clientelism’ or the party organisation, Political Communication and Professionalisation in Greece
as changed the form of communication. The problem with politicians and political
parties is that an election campaign and day-to-day politics that confuses politics with
consumer marketing practices quickly become less credible.

REFERENCES
AGB Hellas (1996) TV Yearbook 96/95,Athens,(in Greek).
Alivizatos,N.K.(1995) ‘Brackets and other centres of power’,Economicos Tachydromos,June,22,pp.
171–176 (in Greek).
Avriani (1996) ‘You can’t win elections on the couch!’,28 September,p.1 (in Greek).
Blumler, J.G. (1997) ‘The origins of the crisis of communication for citizenship’, Political
Communication,14:4,pp.395–404. 141