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government seats, for the European parliament, etc.).The only real hindrance has been
to put a heavier load on the candidates themselves on a purely physical level.Instead of
making a few limited appearances in a reduced number of mass meetings and getting
a lot of television coverage, including talk-shows, they now have to canvass in their
constituencies much more extensively than before: the only way now, to reach citizens
directly, or indirectly through the newscasts that report these contacts. Of course, this
means running around the whole of France for Presidential elections, a lesson Edouard
Baladur, then incumbent Prime Minister, learned the hard way when his 1995 campaign
sank in disarray because of the lack of meetings and canvassing.

Conversely, crowd pleasers like Jacques Chirac, who personally enjoys canvassing and
shaking hands,have clearly benefited from the new law.But this leads to a much tighter
campaign organisation: having the main politicians crossing France and speaking in
two or three different towns a day means having a stronger than ever campaign
manager or field coordinator.Speeches have to be written on time and to be punctually
in the politicians’hands (or on their prompters) two or three times a day, with variations
according to the time and place, or according to the kind of crowds expected.
Previously, an appearance on a popular talk show demanded only a few specialists for
some days of media training.

Another side effect of the new prohibitions coming from the 1990 law has been the
increase of pressure on media and journalists by politicians and their press agents in
order to obtain access to the regular newscasts, since here the law only requires an
equal access under the supervision of the CSA. So public relations events, orchestrated
by the candidate’s campaign organisation in order to get media attention, have been
purposely escalating in order to compete for the journalists’ attention – another
The Professionalisation of Political Communication
breakthrough for increased professionalisation in the candidates’public relations.

To give one example from the 2002 Presidential race: Lionel Jospin’s campaign
management, understanding at some point that he seemed to be lacking popular
support, organised a huge meeting in Lille, a town in the North of France, inhabited for
historical reasons by many socialists activists and sympathisers (it is the capital of a
historical reasons by many socialist activists and sympathisers (it is the capital of a
former mining region). Jospin’s entrance into the meeting room was very carefully
planned. Instead of going directly to the stage, he was shown in at the very far end of
the meeting room, thus needing quite a lot of time to cross the floor. Those attending
were very happy to be able to reach the socialist leader so easily and to shake his hand;
so it took him nearly one hour to get to the stage through the crowd. The scene was
effectively televised in the evening news by most of the journalists, duped by the so-
called ‘popularity’ of the politician so evidently exposed… Here, a not so subtle trick of
day to day political marketing fared well, not unlike what happened two years later in
the United States when, to boost his popularity, John Kerry’s campaign management
begged him to drop his jacket during his meetings.

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