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                                           ••• Tim May and Jason Powell •••

                          discursivities, the subjected knowledge’s which were thus released would be
                          brought into play.
                                                                                 (ibid.: 85)

                      Foucault is claiming that archaeology is a systematic method of investigating official
                      statements such as dispostifs (McNay, 1994). Genealogy is a way of putting archae-
                      ology to practical effect, a way of linking it to cultural concerns:

                          A genealogy of values, morality, asceticism, and knowledge will never confuse
                          itself with a question for their ‘origins’ , will never neglect as inaccessible the
                          vicissitudes of history. On the contrary, it will cultivate the details and accidents
                          that accompany every beginning; it will be scrupulously attentive to their petty
                          malice; it will await their emergence, once unmasked, as the face of the other.
                          Wherever it is made to go, it will not be reticent – in ‘excavating the depths’,
                          in allowing time for these elements to escape from a labyrinth where no truth
                          had ever detained them. The genealogist needs history to dispel the chimeras
                          of the origin, somewhat in the manner of the pious philosopher who needs a
                          doctor to exorcise the shadow of his soul.
                                                                        (Foucault, 1984: 80)




                                          The Making of the Modern Subject


                      Foucault’s use of genealogy cannot be divorced from an understanding of power, nor
                      can the constitution of the subject. With this in mind, our approach will be to con-
                      sider his analytical ingenuity via an examination of different modes through which
                      ‘subjectivity’ is constituted. Foucault (1982; 1983) grounded this as a pivotal mode
                      of analysis that has been deployed in reflections on his own life (Miller, 1993).
                      Subjectivity appears as both an experiential and discursive strategy that ‘goes beyond
                      theory’ (Dreyfus and Rabinow, 1982) and provides us with a way to problematize the
                      explanatory value and relevance of his analyses.
                        We will discuss Foucault’s approach to subjectivity in terms of classification, divid-
                      ing and self-subjectification practices. These operate in ways to structure subjectivity
                      under the auspices of the ‘rise of modernity’ where, commencing in the seventeenth
                      century, the social sciences, early capitalism and institutions began to co-ordinate
                      new ways of objectifying ‘populations’ in western societies. In Foucault’s analysis, the
                      realm of the ‘social’ becomes the object of enquiry. Here, the term ‘social’ means:
                      ‘The entire range of methods which make the members of a society relatively safe
                      from the effects of economic fluctuation by providing a certain security’ (Donzelot,
                      1980 p: xxvi). Thus, in Discipline and Punish (1977), Foucault

                          traces the historical emergence of the social as a domain or field of inquiry and
                          intervention, a space structured by a multiplicity of discourses emanating from

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