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                                ••• Foucault: Interpretive Analysis and the Social •••

                    Self-subjectification practices inter-relate with classification and dividing practices
                  to construct modern subjects. For instance, subjects are created by human sciences
                  that classify problems, identities and experiences; the systems of power that divide,
                  stratify and institutionalize types of ‘elderly’ subjects and the technologies of the self
                  provide individuals with the reflexive means to problematize themselves. What
                  Foucault seems to be confronting us with is a disturbing vision that our ideas about
                  the depth of human experience are simply cultural veneers that exist in an interplay
                  between power and knowledge. Shumway calls this a ‘strategy of exteriority’: a strat-
                  egy that ‘does not stem from a claim that the true being plain and visible, but from
                  a rejection of the claim that the true is systematically disguised’ (1989: 26). Foucault’s
                  analysis of subjectification practices highlights techniques used by administrative
                  powers to problematize subjects and the games of truth employed by those who seek
                  to know them through classification techniques.



                                         Subjectivity: Three Domains


                  Foucault juxtaposes his axis of classifying, dividing and self-subjectification practices
                  with one that delineates three domains of subjectivity: the body, the individual and
                  population. These domains detail how modes of subjectivity impinge on modern
                  social relations.


                                                  The body


                  The ‘body’ is a subject of discursive and political identification. In  Discipline and
                  Punish (1977), Foucault claims that penal practices produce the ‘soul’ of the offender
                  by disciplining the body and corporealizing prison spaces. In prisons, the body’s
                  most ‘essentialist needs’ – food, space, exercise, sleep, privacy, light and heat –
                  become the materials upon which schedules, timetables and micro-punishments are
                  enacted. The body discipline developed in prisons has parallels throughout the
                  broader disciplinary society. Indeed, the success of modernity’s domination over effi-
                  cient bodies in industry, docile bodies in prisons, patient bodies in clinical research
                  and regimented bodies in schools and residential centres attests to Foucault’s thesis
                  that the human body is a highly adaptable terminus for the circulation of power rela-
                  tions (McNay, 1993). It would be a mistake to believe Foucault is alone in arguing
                  that the rule of the body is fundamental to modern politico-economical and profes-
                  sional regimes of power. Critiques of the domination of the body were the mainstay
                  of Frankfurt theorists such as Adorno and Horkheimer (1944) long before Foucault’s
                  work. As he noted of their work:

                      As far as I’m concerned, I think that the Frankfurt School set problems that are
                      still being worked on. Among others, the effects of power that are connected
                      to a rationality that has been historically and geographically defined in the

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