Page 179 - CULTURE IN THE COMMUNICATION AGE
P. 179

MICHAEL  REAL

             way for its own insights. In the useful phrase of Ulf Hannerz in Chapter 3,
             popular  culture  theory  has  been  challenged  to  ‘destabilize  privileged
             assumptions’ in order to carve out and justify its own position.
               One  basic  dimension  of  the  struggle  of  popular  culture  theory  has  been
             definitional. This definitional conflict has continued throughout more than a
             century of evolution of cultural theory. Both cultural theory in general and
             popular culture theory in particular have attempted to create rational understand-
             ings of non-rational dimensions of social life. To do this, nineteenth-century
             anthropology ‘discovered’ the life of ‘savages’ and attempted to  find rational
             and aesthetic coherence in that life. Generations of groundbreaking ethno-
             graphies of preliterate societies found pragmatic and symbolic power in primi-
             tive  rituals,  myths,  kinship  patterns,  tribal  behavior,  and  everyday  practices.
             This was ‘culture’ in the anthropological sense. Anthropology by the late nine-
             teenth  century  had  thus  come  to  define  culture  as  the  systematic  way  of
             constructing reality that a people acquires as a consequence of living in a group.  1
               At the same time, however, ‘culture’ in the literate West was de fined and
             studied in the aesthetic sense championed by Matthew Arnold as ‘the best that
             has been known and said in the world’. The West was by many uncritically
             assumed to be rational, other cultures irrational. Ethnographies were conducted
             in non-technological societies in the service of the British Empire and other
             European colonial powers, but the same kinds of studies of everyday culture
             were much less common or respected when conducted within the imperial
             countries and cultures themselves.
               The definitional  (and  imperial)  conflict forced popular culture theory to
             distinguish at least four levels of culture, clarifying them with definitions that
             were not solidified before the middle of the twentieth century. First, ‘elite’ or
             high  or  serious  culture  was  that  produced  by  known  artists  within  a  con-
             sciously esthetic context judged according to an accepted set of rules, norms,
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             and classics.  This marks the British literary meaning of culture. Second, ‘folk’
             culture or art, in contrast, is that expressed in face-to-face interactions within
             traditional  or  tribal  cultures  and  created  through  anonymous  contributions
             from within the group where close interaction between performer and com-
             munity is the norm. This reflects the anthropological emphasis. Third, ‘mass’
             culture emerged from sociological and critical theory by mid-century as those
             large-scale expressions of culture that were created for a mass market and were
             known for their standardization of product, commercial promotion, and mass
             behavior. Mass culture theory was developed through a sociology of the masses,
             beginning with Max Weber, and by the critical theory of the Frankfurt School
             in the works of Adorno, Horkheimer, Benjamin, Marcuse, and others.
               The fourth level of culture, ‘popular’ culture, was at times de fined as nar-
             rowly identical with mass culture over and against elite and folk culture. Or,
             popular culture has alternately been identified as a middle ground, romantically
             situated between the localisms of folk culture and the grossness of mass culture,
             a  kind  of  moderately  ambitious  and  widespread  aesthetic  expression  that

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