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                                                  HEALTH SOCIOLOGY                           133


                    Margaret Stacey (1988) and  Ann Oakley  the biomedicalization thesis (Clarke et al.,
                    (1984) in the UK. These early works rested  2003). In much of this work men’s health –
                    on the assumption of the existence of   rather than women’s health – has been
                    patriarchy as the underlying organizing prin-  examined.
                    ciple in society, affecting women’s social and  A gender-analysis of men’s health has,
                    cultural position. Later gender-relations  though, been hard to promote for a number of
                    theory pointed to the social category of  reasons. For example, public health advo-
                    gender as a binary and hierarchical classifi-  cates tend to reduce male gender to psycho-
                    cation of gender status.  The analytical   logical concerns, reflected in a preoccupation
                    tools for understanding the gender order have  with the association drawn between norms of
                    been hegemonic masculinity and the inter-  masculinity and men’s reluctance to seek
                    sectionality of gender, race, class, and age   professional help. Furthermore, feminists
                    in shaping gender, femininities, and mas-  tend to interpret claims for resources and a
                    culinities (Annandale, 1998; Connell and  higher profile for research on men’s health as
                    Messerschmidt, 2005; Lorber, 2001;  Witz  a form of backlash against the importance of
                    and Marshall, 2004).                    women’s health concerns which have drifted
                      This conflict perspective has been further  from view (e.g., Gordon and Thorne, 1996).
                    developed within post-structuralist femi-  The examples above suggest the impor-
                    nism, which has been inspired by the works  tance of identifying the systems of super-
                    of Michel Foucault (1975; see Petersen and  ordination and subordination that characterize
                    Bunton, 1997) and Judith Butler (1993). The  society and their implications for men and
                    body has become the site for exploring   women. A clear gender perspective on health
                    the discourses of medical knowledge and the  professionals, on illness and health, and
                    medical profession in the construction of the  on gender differences in the use of health
                    gendered body (Lorber and Moore, 2002).  services is still needed. The challenge for a
                      International and national research on  twenty-first century sociological research
                    gender and health has tended to divide into  agenda on gender and health is twofold.
                    those who undertake quantitative research on  First, it is important to unravel the hidden
                    gender inequalities in health and who work  agenda of the terms gender and health: at
                    within the tradition of social epidemiology  issue is not only women’s health but also
                    (e.g., Kuh and Hardy, 2002; Mackenbach   men’s health. Second, there is currently a
                    et al., 1999) and those who use a social con-  curious vacuum in theorizing on women’s
                    structionist or phenomenological approach  health at a time when theorizing on men’s
                    and qualitative methodology, and look at   health seems to proliferate, seemingly
                    the gendered aspects of illness experience  inspired by the medicalization of men’s sex-
                    and health (e.g., Elson, 2004; Mamo and  uality and the availability of life enhance-
                    Fishman, 2001; Popay and Groves, 2000).  ment drugs like Viagra and its descendants,
                      Since the mid-1990s, men’s health has  Cialis and Levitra.
                    emerged as a new field of research (e.g.,  The current vogue for ‘gender sensitive’
                    Sabo and Gordon, 1995), and recent pro-  health policy, reflected in the gender main-
                    feminist research on sexuality and masculinity  streaming policies of many countries (e.g.,
                    has developed a male-focused health approach  Doyal et al., 2003; Jonsson et al., 2006;
                    (Loe, 2001; Mamo and Fishman, 2001;     Wamala and  Agren, 2002) may dampen
                    Rosenfeld and Faircloth, 2006).  This genre  down the fiery stand-off between ‘men’s
                    of studies has been characterized by a con-  health’ and ‘women’s health’. It has been
                    flict perspective, largely based on social con-  argued that, by making both female and male
                    structionist and post-structuralist theorizing.  health visible, gender mainstreaming ‘holds
                    This shift is reflected, for example, in the  the greatest potential for improving the health
                    reintroduction of the medicalization thesis as  of both women and men’, i.e., for achieving
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