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                   a co-production in everyday life, a claim that  health led to an interest in the impact of mid-
                   is constantly fragile and needs endless renewal  wifery (e.g., DeVries et al., 2001; Oakley,
                   and re-legitimation by interaction partners.  1980) and public health nursing (Dingwall,
                   This becomes an important theme for studies  1977; Dingwall and McIntosh, 1978) on
                   of doctor/patient interaction such as those by  women’s and children’s health. Feminists
                   Strong (2001) and by Maynard (2003).    drew attention to what hitherto had been neg-
                     In the early 1970s, further themes from the  lected, a qualitatively different domain of lay
                   labeling perspective were introduced through  or unpaid care beyond medicine (e.g., Graham,
                   the concept ‘medicalization’, as proposed by  1984; Stacey, 1984, 2002).
                   Irving Zola (1972). The medicalization thesis  Although a popular thesis, the empirical
                   has been a popular framework in medical  basis of medicalization was questioned from
                   sociology and absorbed into public dis-  an early point, most notably by P. M. Strong
                   course. In its crude version it harbors a   (1979) in Britain. Drawing on his own
                   conflict perspective: physicians are not  research on alcoholism, Strong pointed out
                   Parsonian benevolent and altruistic servants,  that most physicians had little interest in
                   but an occupational group with an interest in  expanding their professional jurisdiction and
                   expanding its domain of authority. Although  argued that medical sociologists had simply
                   Zola himself did not portray the process   used statements by the profession’s moral
                   of medicalization in such conflictual and  entrepreneurs to illustrate an a priori critique
                   conspiratorial terms, the medicalization  based on their own interests and prejudices.
                   thesis resonated with a variety of social  A similar argument has been made by
                   movements, which began critically to exam-  Maynard  (1991),  who  noted  how
                   ine the client’s status in larger social institu-  doctor/patient interaction studies had identi-
                   tions and the role of certain professionals  fied power and oppression in phenomena,
                   (physicians, police, educators) as agents of  such as the structural organization of turn-
                   social control.                         taking or the maintenance of topical and
                     The (then) new feminist health movement  thematic coherence, that are much better
                   is a case in point. The medicalization thesis  understood as functional requirements of the
                   became a way of documenting that women’s  interaction.
                   primary care health needs were inappropri-  The inaugural themes of cooperation and
                   ately medicalized.  According to feminists,  consensus were, then, subject to challenge by
                   medical knowledge pathologized women’s  the 1970s as sociologists sought to bring
                   bodies, and medicine was part of a broader  issues of power and control to the heart of the
                   patriarchal control of women (e.g., Chesler,  discipline. New dimensions were added
                   1972; Ehrenreich and English, 1973, 1978).  in the 1980s, when sociologists of health
                   Women’s health advocates urged women to  began to draw in a significant way upon post-
                   regain control over their health, especially in  structural theorizing, e.g., the works of
                   the area of reproductive health, and to  Michel Foucault (1965, 1975). Foucault’s
                   demand health services which would con-  approach to power reconceptualized the sub-
                   sider women’s specific health needs. In the  ject, who was no longer viewed as a creative
                   US, the early women’s self-help movement  agent in the manner of the conflict and inter-
                   of the 1970s resulted in the development of  actionist perspectives, but as a ‘complex and
                   specific women’s health agendas in the polit-  variable function of discourse’ (Foucault,
                   ical context, and also commercialized ver-  1977: 138). A range of analyses explored the
                   sions of women’s health centers from the late  ways in which specific historical configura-
                   1980s onward (Morgen, 2002). In         tions of knowledge and power constructed par-
                   the European context, the importance of the  ticular ways of knowing about and acting in
                   welfare state and of other health professions  relation to health and illness (e.g., Armstrong,
                   beyond medicine in promoting women’s    1987; Arney and Bergen, 1984; Turner, 1987).
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