Page 156 - The ISA Handbook in Contemporary Sociology
P. 156

9781412934633-Chap-09  1/10/09  8:44 AM  Page 127





                                                  HEALTH SOCIOLOGY                           127


                      Freidson (1970) incorporated the sick role  of the conditions of legitimacy of the gate-
                    into the new approach to the sociology of  keepers to the sick role, the physicians. What
                    deviance that had been developed during the  was the source of their authority to discharge
                    1970s. As Bosk (2006) points out, this was  this responsibility? How effectively did they
                    the first application of ‘labeling theory’ to ill-  do this? Over the course of thirty years, he
                    ness in general, as opposed to the specific  chronicled the changing nature of the rela-
                    domain of mental illness. Freidson under-  tionship between US medicine, its patients,
                    stood that Parsons had illustrated the sick  the state and the corporations of advanced
                    role through examples from contemporary  capitalism. In the process, his views swung
                    industrial societies, but that it was essentially  round from the impassioned critique of the
                    applicable to  any society. The  gatekeeping  abuses of medical power, with which he
                    need not necessarily be performed by physi-  closed  Profession of Medicine (Freidson,
                    cians; it could be performed by anyone who  1970) to a more appreciative stance in his last
                    occupied a functionally equivalent role –  major work,  Professionalism: The Third
                    shamans, witches, priests, or whatever – and  Logic (Freidson, 2001). Here he sees profes-
                    the conditions attached to its tenancy would  sional autonomy and the independent culture
                    also be locally defined. Co-operating with  of professional work as one of the last pro-
                    recognized advice might mean concordance  tections that stand between the sick and the
                    with a drug regime but could equally mean  ruthless calculative logic of neo-liberal
                    prayer, fasting, sacrifice, self-mortification,  market societies. If the professions fall, then
                    or whatever practices were legitimated in a  the trapdoor of the iron cage will indeed
                    particular social environment.  The bound-  swing closed with a vengeance.
                    aries of exemption might be drawn in differ-  Goffman’s work, however, inspires a
                    ent ways, depending on the perceived    somewhat more optimistic line of thinking.
                    seriousness of the condition. Nevertheless,  Although not as elaborately formulated as
                    the core idea of a role available for occupancy  Freidson’s approach, Goffman (1969) identi-
                    by those whose deviance was unintended,  fied face-to-face interaction as a crucial site
                    providing a route for reintegration back into  for the analysis of the sick role.
                    the wider society, remained intact. As both  The interesting thing about medical symptoms is
                    Freidson and Goffman saw, this made a con-  how utterly nice, how utterly plucky the patient can
                    siderable contribution to understanding the  be in managing them … He is someone who does
                    difficulties confronted by those who could  not will to be demanding and useless. Tuberculosis
                                                             patients, formerly isolated in sanitaria, sent home
                    not overcome their deviance – people with
                                                             progress notes that were fumigated but cheerful.
                    long-term sickness or disability in an indus-  Brave little troops of colostomites and ileostomites
                    trial society, but equally people who could  make their brief appearances disguised as nice,
                    not shake off a possessive spirit in others.  clean people, while stoically concealing the hours
                    This understanding of the sick role took  of hellish toilet work required for each appearance
                                                             in public as a normal person. We even have our
                    Goffman and Freidson in different but com-
                                                             Beckett player buried up to his head in an iron lung,
                    plementary directions.                   unable to blow his own nose, who yet somehow
                      Freidson recognized the way in which the  expresses by means of his eyebrows that a full-
                    sick role was a point of convergence between  fledged person is present who knows how to
                    two of the great institutions of any society –  behave and would certainly behave that way were
                                                             he physically able (Goffman, 1969: 366).
                    medicine/healing and law.  These were the
                    institutions that were, on the one hand, col-  In the same paper, Goffman goes on to
                    lectively legitimated to manage deviance  examine the implications for family interaction
                    and, on the other, supplied legitimacy to the  and the links between a person’s immediate
                    individuals and organizations that carried   caregivers and the medical profession in the
                    out the practical tasks involved. Much of  management of the sick. At the heart of his
                    Freidson’s work, then, became an exploration  paper is an understanding that the sick role is
   151   152   153   154   155   156   157   158   159   160   161