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                   and power relations. Formal organizations  ‘field of cultural production’ despite similar-
                   may provide either an arena for conflict and  ities in their names (Peterson, 1976). It is
                   competition among agents vying for position  rooted in  American empiricism and main-
                   in an artistic field or a milieu for collabora-  tains that the symbolic content of culture is
                   tion (DiMaggio, 1986; Marontate, 2005).  shaped by the context in which it is produced
                   Paul DiMaggio (1992) studied how the use of  and disseminated.  The perspective encour-
                   not-for-profit organizational models in theatre,  ages systematic observation. For example,
                   opera and the dance in the United States   Peterson observed that collaboration among
                   promoted institutional change and trans-  music promoters, musicians and fans was
                   formed status hierarchies, creating new  crucial for the invention of conventions that
                   elites.  Although the high culture model is  came to define country music, but competi-
                   associated with elite tastes and learned cul-  tion and conflicts were factors in change and
                   ture, it is also used in research about the per-  innovation (Peterson, 1997). His work has
                   sistence of inequalities and the failure of  been influential on research about the interplay
                   democratization efforts to erase class bound-  of the arts, media and informally-produced
                   aries. Elite participants in arts organizations  culture enhancing understanding of artistic
                   have sometimes tried to balance prestige with  ‘scenes’ as social phenomena (Alexander,
                   diversity and accessibility (Ostrower, 2002).  2003; DiMaggio, 2000; Dowd, 2002).
                     In research on the social production (and  Other recent research is founded on quite
                   reproduction) of culture Pierre Bourdieu  different ontological and epistemological
                   developed core concepts associated with the  assumptions. Sociological approaches to the
                   high culture model that are now used by many  study of aesthetic phenomena as singularities
                   sociologists of the arts (sometimes rather  have been developed in connection with
                   indiscriminately), among them, cultural capi-  research on the working lives of arts pro-
                   tal, habitus and the notion of the creation of  fessionals (Heinich, 1993, 1998b, 1998c;
                   belief in the value of symbolic goods   Marontate, 2001). The very notion of ‘career’in
                   (Bourdieu, 1984, 1993, 1996; Bourdieu et al.,  the arts is marked by tensions between the idea
                   1991/1969). His work on taste as class-based  that career profiles develop in a predictable
                   predilections and a process distinction met  pattern with routine stages and systems of
                   with opposition from some sociologists.   artistic recognition premised on originality and
                   For example, Antoine Hennion (2001) rejects  unique practices that distinguish new art from
                   the idea of ‘objective’ distance and insists on  non-art and avant-garde artists from their pred-
                   understanding the meaning-making practices  ecessors (Heinich, 1998c). The need to be rec-
                   of people involved with the arts in a version  ognized as singular has became a pattern in
                   of actor-network theory applied to the study  contemporary artistic careers.
                   of taste as a reflexive performative mediation  Pierre-Michel Menger (1989, 1999) pro-
                   practice. Hennion proposes that a sort of   posed that artists develop careers through
                   collaboration occurs between artworks and  a series of strategic choices and a succession
                   art-lovers (who he calls ‘amateurs’) in a   of jobs. Work may be difficult to distinguish
                   co-production of aesthetic experience and  from training opportunities. Menger observed
                   aesthetic object.                       that performing artists confront the precari-
                                                           ousness of the demand for their services by
                                                           developing strategies for rational diversifica-
                   The production of culture               tion analogous to the sort of risk manage-
                                                           ment practiced by managers of investment
                   perspective and other new
                                                           portfolios. Rather than ‘putting all their eggs
                   approaches
                                                           in one basket’they develop networks of clients
                   Richard Peterson’s ‘production of culture per-  and employers to maximize their chances of
                   spective’ has different origins than Bourdieu’s  finding remuneration at any given moment.
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