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then, is to reveal the agency of children in therefore, meant to be ‘actors’ as defined by
such interactions, and it is often shown that adult decisions and institutions (Baraldi,
very young children are already able to pro- 2003; Clark and Percy-Smith, 2006). Third,
duce competently ordered interaction situa- and this is still a rather new research ques-
tions, since they know and apply the basic tion, the way in which children perceive and
rules of social interaction and are even com- conceptualize their families, and the extent to
petent searchers for rules that might exist or which this depends on the child’s particular
be meant by adults; they may also create new family situation. While the research does not
elements for meaningful interaction (Bråten, come to a conclusive position on the latter
1996). Another theme is children’s contribu- question, it does show that, for children,
tions as (competent) social actors in relation emotions and contacts are much more impor-
to their interaction among themselves, in tant to define the family and its boundaries
which they build friendships, act out con- than biology or formal structures (Morrow,
flicts, (re-)produce gender categories (Alisch 1998; Rigg and Pryor, 2007).
and Wagner, 2006; Breidenstein and Kelle,
1996, 1998; Corsaro and Eder, 1990; Shiose,
1994, 1995; Strandell, 1997), in what con- Children’s work and life on the
cerns their use of the offerings of consumer street
culture (Hengst, 1990, 2000; Olesen, 2000;
Rayou and Henriot-Van Zanten, 2004; In Pricing the Priceless Child, Viviana
Zinnecker et al., 2002), in using urban spaces Zelizer (1985) showed how one can see a
and in modern time management (Behnken, shift in the ideologies surrounding childhood
1990; Behnken et al., 1989; Mayall, 1994; in Western societies between the 1870s and
Rabe-Kleberg and Zeiher, 1984; Zeiher and 1930s, from a conception of children as
Zeiher, 1994). These are just some examples ‘useful’ to a much more sentimental and
of a very rich vein of research in the sociol- emotional one of the ‘priceless’ child. The
ogy of childhood revealing children’s inter- shift was heavily dependent on state
actions in public and private contexts, which intervention – mainly policing ever-expanding
had been hidden or ignored for a long time. legislation against children’s employment
More recently, several new topics have and truancy and gradually raising the mini-
become important in researching children’s mum school-leaving age – which is why
agency and ‘voice’. The first is the question Therborn speaks of modern childhood as ‘a
of the precise way children experience and creation by the nation-state, against the
deal with hardship, poverty, violence, and threatening encroachments of the market (for
difficult neighbourhoods. One might take child labour) and against the sovereignty of
this to constitute the limit of the concept of patria potestas, of paternal power and the
children’s agency as they appear to passively seclusion of the family’ (1996: 30).
endure such adverse conditions, but the One problem with this very influential
research shows that there is a variety of account of the changing adult conceptions of
strategies children choose to handle such sit- childhood, however, as Zelizer (2002: 377)
uations, that they may also be helpful to each herself has written recently, is that it does not
other, among siblings or peers, and that all have much to say about ‘children’s own
such things influence the impact of the situa- experiences of economic change’ (see also
tion and the child’s view of it (Mullender Miller, 2005; Zelizer, 2005). The concept of
et al., 2003). Second, the problem of the way a ‘normal childhood’ tends to disguise not
children interact in settings and situations only very basic competencies of social
where they have been encouraged by adults action, but also what has to be considered
to actively participate in handling situations, as informal or even formal work. Such
in decisions and debates, where they are, children’s work can be of hugely variable