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                    in South Africa, Von Holdt demonstrates the  inclusion and social exclusion. Indeed,
                    complexity of this interface – how move-  expansion and diversification of the formal
                    ments interpenetrate through complex and  economy is necessary for overcoming the
                    dynamic networks.                       socio-economic exclusion of masses of citi-
                      Beverly Silver distinguishes between two  zens, and the role of the state will be critical.
                    types of worker resistance; what she calls the  Unless budget cutbacks are reversed and
                    ‘Polanyi-type’ and the ‘Marx-type’ unrest  there is significant investment in manage-
                    (Silver, 2003: 20–4). However as Burawoy  ment and human resources in public institu-
                    notes, although Silver makes this distinction,  tions, as well as adequate staffing, the decline
                    her book is largely about ‘Marx-type’ strug-  of the public sector will continue.
                    gles.  Today, he suggests, ‘one might argue  A plethora of new social movements – the
                    that the neo-liberal dispensation struggles  Anti-Privatization Forum (APF), the Soweto
                    against capitalism are taking a sea change  Electricity Forum (SEF), the Landless
                    from Marxian-type struggles based on power  People’s Movement (LPM), Gun Free South
                    in production to  Polanyian-type struggles  Africa (GFSA), the  Treatment  Action
                    based on resistance to the commodification of  Committee (TAC) – have emerged in response
                    land, labor and money’ (2003b: 4).      to the social crisis in communities, mobilizing
                      To what extent is such a ‘sea-change’  around a wide variety of issues, including the
                    taking place in South Africa? There are sig-  commoditization of essential services, such as
                    nificant signs that the South African govern-  electricity, access to land, gun violence and
                    ment is shifting from its narrow focus on  treatment for those with AIDS.
                    global integration and competitiveness to  Some of the social movements are small
                    acknowledge that the state will have to redis-  but others, such as  TAC and GFSA, have
                    tribute resources actively in an effort to over-  already made a significant impact on govern-
                    come the social crisis caused by poverty.  ment policy.  We have suggested that the
                    This new thinking is organized around the  restructuring of work has displaced much of
                    concept of ‘two economies’. In his February  the contestation and disorder of South
                    2003 State of the Nation address, President  Africa’s ‘chaotic’ workplace transition into
                    Thabo Mbeki described the division between  households and communities, deepening
                    these as a ‘structural fault’ (Mbeki, 2003).  social crisis, conflict and disorder there. The
                      However, our case studies of working life  significance of social movements located
                    in the periphery demonstrate that the dis-  in the community is their potential to
                    course of two economies can be misleading  re-socialize this crisis – which is experienced as
                    (Webster and von Holdt, 2005). Most of the  a private crisis, distress and conflict in house-
                    economic activities in the periphery are  holds and communities – by building social
                    dependent on markets created by formal  solidarity around it, projecting it into the
                    economy activities. The three zones of work  public arena, mobilizing support and action,
                    we identified earlier are, we suggest, asym-  and influencing the state and public policy.
                    metrically interdependent. It is likely that  For such a counter-movement to be truly
                    such activities in the periphery will only be  effective, it should link struggles over work-
                    able to expand to the extent that the formal  place restructuring to campaigns over the
                    economy itself expands. Generally speaking,  social crisis in communities – in other words,
                    the ‘second economy’ has very little prospect  uniting the trade union movement and social
                    of expanding independently and thereby  movements in a broad coalition against the
                    stimulating the formal economy – indeed, it  destructive impact of the market on society.
                    can hardly be described as an economy.  This is already evident in the alliance
                      In place of conceptualizing South African  between the Congress of South African Trade
                    society as divided into two economies, we  Unions (COSATU) and the TAC, and in the
                    prefer an analysis that highlights dynamic,  People’s Budget campaign, which is based
                    variable and complex processes of social  on a coalition of COSATU, the South African
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