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the second, the relative and sufficient auton- groups on individuals? Are these changes in
omy of the aggregates or systems being engagement in voting generational, a mixing
examined from those encompassing them and weakening of the influence of cultures
(Hannan, 1981). This means, in the first case, on political behavior, or the political coming
that explanations, for example, of the eco- together of transnational regions in Europe
nomic growth of regions are significantly and Latin America and elsewhere? Or does
different within a country to justify separate globalization diminish the range of differ-
regional analysis and, in the second case, that ences and choice on the left and right in
regional economic growth in patterns is dif- political party politics and thus dampen
ferent from national economic growth. In the motivational intensity of political party
social ecology and its corollary of comparing differences?
social, economic, and political systems, a The challenge of local-global relationships
necessary assumption for comparing social comes from (a) the reality that all observations
niches or systems is that their defined bound- are micro or local, made within specific con-
aries have some degree of independence texts and at specific points in time, and (b) the
from higher level systems. Thus, questions necessity that all theoretical generalizations
posed by the grand hypothesis of the world must be connected to higher order systems
as a total human system is the extent to through inferences. Those inferences should
which changes within identifiable local also include conjectures about influences from
niches, cities, regions, countries, and corpora- neighboring systems as well as those about the
tions, for example, are sufficiently determined histories of systems – the legacies of the past
by their own, autonomous internal processes that explain current, and predict future states
to be amenable to comparisons as ‘closed’ of the system.
systems. Alternatively, the question is the
extent to which local conflicts are local
responses to those at higher levels, more
encompassing niches, including the global AN ECOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION
system. Local conflicts and the processes of OF LOCAL-GLOBAL CONFLICT
dealing with them at least must be considered
partial responses to global influences, even if The idea of ecology appears to have been
that influence is expected to vary from very appropriated by many political groups con-
little to a great deal. cerned with human destruction of the physical
The two core theoretical and empirical and living environments. One consequence is
issues for global ecological analysis, then, a reluctance to use the ecological paradigm
for comparative across-level, across-time, in social research. Still, as the ecological par-
and across-system analysis in an evolving adigm continues to acquire theoretical
global system – are first, what is local and prominence in the realm of biological evolu-
what is global, and second, what are the tion in research on genes, it is likely to regain
dynamics by which those global-local rela- its position for understanding the main devel-
tionships change? What is the ‘best’ level for opmental dynamics of change stemming
explaining the most variance, including from new forms of local-global social relation-
change? For example, does change in voting ships in the twenty-first century. Globalization
participation occur because of changes in has brought about institutions, although still
individuals resulting from the spread of more weak and unsure, for addressing conflicts
education nearly everywhere? Alternatively, among nations and some that are beginning to
are changes in participation a result of the deal with group conflicts that can escalate into
homogenizing effects of reduced pressures wars of genocide and terror. The traditional,
from social and economic groups reflecting international and group conflicts involve
national trends of the weakening strength of winners and losers in zero-sum contests.