Page 134 - Aesthetic Formations Media, religion, and the Sense
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Islamic Renewal, Radio, and the Surface of Things  119

       through access to a sheikh and his baraka (charisma). And the extension of
       those texts over space and time, drawing followers into a religious commu-
       nity based around access to mediated texts as well as communal practice is
       part of what defines his movement as different, and modern.
         A contrasting way of analyzing the distinction of religious movements
       is also concerned with the operation of media but places their value differ-
       ently. Michael Warner (2002) and Charles Taylor (2007) have argued that
       the distinction of contemporary religious movements is that they are orga-
       nized using forms and epistemological structures taken from the secular
       public sphere. Media are central to this process, but Warner emphasizes
       the articulation of technology with the wider political ideologies and cul-
       tural structures of a public rather than the autonomy of technology itself.
       To address or inhabit a public, Warner argues, is to be constituted in a cer-
       tain sort of way, to imagine a particular type of collectivity. Unlike say,
       clan membership, or inherited religious identities (such as Judaism) a pub-
       lic is expansive, potentially open to anyone, whose ability to join depends
       on individual choice. This voluntaristic association is a powerful part of
       contemporary religious movements (certainly different from the closed ini-
       tiation of Sufi orders) and reveals how far they have moved away from
       exclusivist ideas of religious belonging. Similarly, these movements depend
       upon the distanced, reflexive understanding of religion as a system, with
       each religious tradition seen as one of a range of similar such traditions.
       Religion is not automatically internalized as an unquestioned truth but is
       reflexively questioned, as the availability of differing possibilities of belief
       and practice places a burden on the adherent to choose her way from a
       range of other competing possibilities. This is where Habermas’s (1989)
       model of a public as a realm of open debate and choice that fragments
       existing sacral authority comes into play. Secularism provides what Taylor
       (2007) calls the “background” or “context of understanding” that reorders
       the place of religion and restructures the way individuals imagine religious
       belonging. Conceived of in this sense, the modernity of Gumi and Izala
       can be found again, not in terms of religious beliefs per se, but in the form
       of organization in which those beliefs are imagined. It is a form whose
       organizational and epistemological structure is shaped by secularism as

       much by religion itself.
         Warner argues that because a public is constituted as a relation between
       strangers the circulation of cultural forms—from pamphlets and cassettes
       to radio shows and television programs—is central to providing a unified
       cultural experience. Media are as central to this analysis as they are for
       more technicist scholars, but their role is conceived differently. Like
       McLuhan (1994[1964]) and Benedict Anderson (1991) who see the
       standardization of print and particularly the circulation of newspapers as a
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