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                                                  THE POLITICAL MEDIA
                           consent is perpetually at risk of being withdrawn. Thus, it has to be
                           constantly worked for by those who currently constitute the ruling elite of a
                           society.
                             When elites were successful in mobilising consent, Gramsci referred to
                           their hegemonic position, by which he meant that there was no need to
                           protect the social structure by coercion and force of arms, but that citizens
                           consented to the system and their place within it. The maintenance of
                           hegemony was, he argued, a cultural process, in which the media played a
                           great role. For Daniel Hallin, ‘to say the media play a “hegemonic” role is
                           to say that they contribute to the maintenance of consent for a system of
                           power’ (1987, p. 18).
                             The emphasis here is not on the media’s support for a particular political
                           party (bias or partisanship in the narrow sense) but the part they play in
                           reinforcing and reproducing a generalised popular consensus about the
                           inherent viability of the system as a whole. Gwynn Williams defines hege-
                           mony as

                               an order in which a certain way of life and thought is dominant, in
                               which one concept of reality is diffused throughout society in all its
                               institutional and private manifestations, informing with its spirit all
                               taste, morality, customs, religious and political, and all social
                               relations, particularly in their intellectual and moral connotations.
                                                         (Quoted in Miliband, 1973, p. 162)

                             Ericson et al. suggest that ‘hegemony addresses how superordinates manu-
                           facture and sustain support for their dominance over subordinates through
                           dissemination and reproduction of knowledge that favours their interests,
                           and how subordinates alternatively accept or contest their knowledge’
                           (1991, p. 12). For these writers, ‘journalists and their news organisations are
                           key players in hegemonic processes. They do not simply report events, but
                           participate in them and act as protagonists’ (ibid., p. 16).
                             The media’s ‘hegemonic’ role, as defined here, may of course be viewed as
                           wholly benign, if one chooses to accept the self-legitimating ideology of
                           capitalist societies. From such a perspective (what some would call the
                           dominant ideological perspective) the media provide the social structure with
                           an outlet for the expression of shared values (as well as the political functions
                           of rational information discussed earlier). If, however, one objects to the
                           system, or parts of it, the hegemonic role of cultural institutions such as the
                           media is viewed negatively. For Ralph Miliband the media ‘in all capitalist
                           societies have been consistently and predominantly agencies of conservative
                           indoctrination’ (1973, p. 200).
                             How is this agency realised? The broadcasters’ concept of impartiality,
                           for example, works to contain political debate within a more or less tightly
                           drawn consensus, which admits only an established political class and often


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