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Intro to Politics Communication (5th edn)-p.qxp  9/2/11  10:55  Page 60





                                             POLITICS IN THE AGE OF MEDIATION
                             allegations of cover-up and lying under oath did evoke memories of
                             Watergate and the implications of presidential impeachment. What it did do,
                             unquestionably, like Watergate twenty-five years before, was to demystify
                             and undermine the institutional power of the American presidency.
                               However we choose to interpret the significance of media criticism of the
                             establishment, it is clear that assertions of a ‘hegemonic role’ for the media
                             must be able to accommodate those frequent examples of the ‘breakdown of
                             consensus’ and the splitting of elite groups. To that end we may usefully
                             distinguish between the work of Chomsky and others, who stress the
                             ‘propagandistic’ nature (if not necessarily always intent) of the media, and
                             others such as Hallin, who prefer to emphasise the media’s flexibility and
                             adaptability in the context of a fluid, dynamic political system, governed not
                             by a single ruling class but by rotating elites drawn from different parties and
                             factions within parties. In the latter perspective, the adaptability of the media
                             to shifting lines of debate is essential to the retention of their legitimacy as
                             facilitators of political discourse in the public sphere and hence, ultimately,
                             to their ‘hegemonic’ role.



                                          POLITICS AND MEDIA PRODUCTION

                             Many of the features of media output discussed in the previous section can
                             be better understood by an analysis of the media production process: the
                             conventions, practices and constraints which shape the output of political
                             journalism, in ways which sometimes favour the politician, and at other
                             times subvert him or her. These can be grouped into three categories:
                             ‘commercial’, ‘organisational’ and ‘professional’.


                                                     Commercialisation
                             On commercial constraints Greg Philo notes that ‘a simple truth underpins
                             the everyday practices of the media institutions and the journalists who work
                             within them – that they are all at some level in competition with each other
                             to sell stories and maximise audiences. . . . They must do this at a given cost
                             and at a set level of resources’ (1993a, p. 111).
                               The main purpose of the press, since its emergence as a mass medium in
                             the nineteenth century, has been to produce information in commodity form,
                             and to maximise advertising revenue by selling that information to the
                             largest possible number of readers. Broadcasting, on the other hand, for most
                             of its relatively brief existence, has been sheltered in many countries from
                             naked commercialism. In Britain, the BBC, as we have noted, was defined
                             from the outset as a ‘public service’ and given lofty goals of cultural
                             enlightenment and education. ITV, too, while a commercial organisation in
                             so far as its revenues derived from advertising, was required under law to


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