Page 43 - An Introduction to Political Communication Second Edition
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AN INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL COMMUNICATION


                            The manufacture of consent
            These processes begin with the politicians. The legitimacy of liberal
            democratic government is founded, as we have noted, on the consent
            of the governed. But consent, as Walter Lippmann observed in the
            work cited above, can be ‘manufactured’. ‘The manufacture of
            consent’ (1954, p.245), indeed, had as early as 1922 become a ‘self-
            conscious art’ in which politicians combined the techniques of social
            psychology with the immense reach of mass media. The detailed
            analysis of these techniques will be the subject of most of this book,
            but by acknowledging their existence at this point we recognise a
            major flaw in democratic theory: if the information on which political
            behaviour is based is, or can be, manufactured artifice rather than
            objective truth, the integrity of the public sphere is inevitably
            diminished. To the extent that citizens are subject to manipulation,
            rather than exposed to information, democracy loses its authenticity
            and becomes something rather more sinister.
              The distinction between ‘persuasion’, which is a universally
            recognised function of political actors in a democracy, and
            manipulation, which carries with it the negative connotations of
            propaganda and deceit, is not always an easy one to draw. But only
            those with a touching and naive faith in the ethical purity of politicians
            would deny that the latter plays an increasingly important part in
            modern (or post-modern) democratic politics.
              We shall return to the theme of manipulation later (see Chapter
            7). Politicians, however, also seek to conceal information from
            citizens, sometimes for reasons of what is called ‘national security’,
            and sometimes to avoid political embarrassment. The public nature
            of politics identified as a prerequisite of liberal democracy by Bobbio
            often conflicts with the politicians’ desire for survival, and may be
            sacrificed as a result. While secrecy, deception and cover-ups are
            hardly new features of politics, their continued use and occasional
            dramatic exposure (most notably in Italy’s tangentopoli scandal)
            remind us that what the citizen receives as political information in
            the public sphere is often an incomplete and partial picture of reality.
            We may be conscious of that incompleteness when, for example,
            secrecy legislation is deployed on national security grounds. More
            commonly, the fact of concealment is itself concealed from the
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            audience, unless a Bernstein, Woodward, or Campbell  succeeds in
            making it public.
              Manipulation of opinion and concealment (or suppression) of
            inconvenient information are strategies emanating from political

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