Page 206 - An Introduction to Political Communication Third Edition
P. 206

PRESSURE-GROUP POLITICS

               publicity  for  its  own  sake  is  simplistic  and  ignores  their  very
               significant efforts to direct news coverage, to present their cause in
               favourable ways and to disassociate groups from acts that will bring
               significant negative response to the cause’ (1989, p. 14).
                 Terrorist groups, like other political actors, have developed media
               management  systems,  and  gradually  come  to  use  ‘most  of  the
               techniques  normally  employed  by  public  relations  professionals’
               (ibid.), including the issuing of press statements, videos (a practice
               adopted  frequently  by  Osama  Bin  Laden)  and  the  setting  up  of
               websites,  news  conferences,  and  the  production  of  newspapers
               (such as the IRA’s An Phoblacht). One observer notes that ‘the PR
               skills of such as Gerry Adams and Danny Morrison are so highly
               reputed  that  the  Sinn  Féin  press  office  is  widely  regarded  as  the
               Saatchi  and  Saatchi  of  “terrorist”  publicity  departments’  (ibid.).
               The  political  communication  skills  of  Adams  and  the  Sinn  Féin
               leadership were such as to have led, by the time of the Good Friday
               agreement in April 1998, to handshakes with President Clinton in
               the White House, meetings with the British Prime Minister at 10
               Downing Street, and the slow emergence in the 1990s of Sinn Féin
               as a legitimate (from the British state’s point of view) political force.
               Poor political communication by the Loyalists, on the other hand,
               exemplified by the Orange Order’s ‘siege of Drumcree’ and their
               response to the sectarian murder of three children in July 1998,
               steadily  lowered  their  prestige  and  credibility  in  the  eyes  of  the
               British people and the world as a whole, to the significant (if as yet
               unquantifiable) long-term advantage of their republican opponents.
                 Yasser  Arafat,  in  the  decades  before  the  PLO  achieved  inter-
               national diplomatic recognition, was another ‘terrorist’ who skilfully
               used the media to project and gain sympathy for the Palestinian
               cause (before the suicide bombings of 2001/02 lost it again).
                 In  the  vast  majority  of  examples,  however,  terrorist  ‘public
               relations’  –  or  political  communication  –  has  failed  to  achieve
               success  in  the  pursuit  of  the  cause.  While  terrorism  generates
               publicity  because  it  meets  many  of  the  requirements  of  modern
               news  production,  it  rarely  bestows  the  groups  responsible  with
               legitimacy, far less media support. As Schmid and de Graaf point
               out, ‘the insurgent terrorist news promoter, as source of news, has
               at  times  considerable  influence  on  the  way  the  media  report  his
               actions. Yet his opponents, the government and its security forces,
               are in fact the main sources for the media’ (1982, p. 98).
                 We have noted elsewhere in this book that news tends to eschew
               explanations and analyses of the events reported, a generalisation


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