Page 356 - Battleground The Media Volume 1 and 2

Pharmaceut cal Advert s ng |

inCrEasED EDuCaTion, or an inFormaTion gaP?
Industry representatives and advocates suggest that consumer education—
especially among some previously neglected minority communities—is a posi-
tive byproduct of DTCA. And FDA regulations seem to support this, with the
law requiring any advertisement that gives information about a medication’s
benefits to also give information about its risks. Furthermore, DTCA also ben-
efits patients in the following ways: consumers may not be aware that treatments
exist for certain conditions; they may suffer from symptoms without realizing
that they are part of a treatable disease; new treatments may become available
for existing medical conditions; or a new remedy with fewer side effects or more
effectiveness may become available. In any of these cases, DTCA campaigns that
educate consumers can be seen as being positive.
This benefit is particularly notable in one minority population, but woe-
fully lacking in another: racial minorities, and the elderly, respectively. Racial
minorities, traditionally “underserved by lower quality health care,” have seen
a positive effect of DTCA in the promotion of dialogue between patients and
their doctors. Conversely, the aging baby-boomer population in America is at
particular risk for being overexposed to DTCA literature and underserved by its
contents. The vast majority of advertised drugs are directed toward this popula-
tion, and the demographic “accounts for $8.40 of every $10 of all prescription

reMoVing the stigMa oF dePression,
But does everyone haVe it?
Two separate DTCA campaigns for antidepressants highlight both sides of the debate as to
whether DTCA destigmatizes difficult medical conditions or causes hyperawareness among
consumers regarding otherwise “normal” symptoms.

“Depression Awareness Campaign,” 2003
As Schulz explains, with no single word in the Japanese language to “properly capture
the generally accepted medical definition of depression as a chemical imbalance,” the
campaign sought to generate public awareness of depression. The campaign communi-
cated one consistent message: “Your suffering might be a sickness. Your leaky vital energy,
like your runny nose, might respond to drugs.” The campaign framed both the disease and
its treatment in the culturally understandable terms of “energy” and “vitality,” familiarizing
consumers both with the symptoms and benefits of treatment.

Depression Campaign, 2001

Appearing on the heels of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, a DTCA campaign for
Paxil emphasized the drug’s antianxiety benefits. The campaign listed symptoms indicative
of chronic anxiety, including worry, anxiety, or irritability. This symptom list concerned some
physicians: “At what point does an understandable response to distressing life events be-
come an indication for drug treatment, and a market opportunity?” (Mintzes 2002, p. 908).