Page 48 - Encyclopedia Of World History Vol IV
P. 48

native american religions 1349












              The Jemez Pueblo historian Joe Sando observed that:  For example, the Midewiwin ceremony of the Anishin-
                                                                abe peoples of the Great Lakes region transmitted narra-
              If we accept Native North American oral history...then
                                                                tives of these tribes’ origin-migration. Named geograph-
              we can start with the ancient people who have been in
                                                                ical locations not only indicate where the ceremony had
              North America for many thousands of years and still
              allow for European and Mediterranean colonists to  been performed but they are also honored as significant
              strengthen or boost the developing culture.This appears  stopping places of sacred, spirit beings (Manitou). In
              to be what indigenous people have been saying in their  effect the ceremony of Midewiwin validated the migration
              oral history. But later Europeans with their “proof posi-  and formation of this Great Lakes people by appealing to
              tive” and “show me” attitudes have prevailed, and remain  the ancient spiritual animal masters. Midewiwin has
              largely unwilling to consider, much less confirm, native  been described as an “extinguished” ceremony in some
              creation accounts (Sando 1982, 2).                academic works, but native practitioners have reasserted
              Sando claims a literalist interpretation for myth based  the contemporary survival and relevance of this ceremo-
            on the living presence of his people in their ancestral  nial complex.While not all Anishinabe religiosity can be
            Pueblo homes. Acceptance of the historicity of myths is  collapsed into Midewiwin, the revitalization of this cere-
            a major challenge for historians, but it also opens the  mony in the contemporary period accentuates an empha-
            possibility for “seeing with a native eye” the historical  sis in native religious understanding that formative cos-
            facts embedded in these stories (Capps 1976, 9).    mological experiences endure into the present and
                                                                identify living people as much as ancestors, according to
            The Oral Native Voice                               Wub-e-ke-niew in We Have the Right to Exist.
            The second point draws attention to the need for native
            voice in reconstructing Native American religious his-
            tory. Deep authenticity and fragility of native voice are  Cosmological
            found in the oral narratives that transmit the creation  Narrative and Song
            stories, legends, and tales of the people. Actual native  The third point draws attention to the interactions of rit-
            voice, layering of stories within stories, and the immedi-  uals, myths, sacred objects, songs, and seminal places
            acy and intimacy of oral narratives are crucial correctives  and ideas as having the status of “persons” in Native
            to a view of native history that abhors subjective inter-  American religions.While this complex of relations is dif-
            pretation, ambiguity of outcome, and experiential voice  ferently expressed among particular peoples, one striking
            as authoritative.                                   example comes from the Gitskan peoples of central
              When oral stories are labeled myths it accentuates  British Columbia.
            their sacred, revelatory character, but that term may also
            situate the stories as timeless, unchanging, and perma-  Each Gitksan house is the proud heir and owner of an
                                                                  adáox. This is a body of orally transmitted songs and sto-
            nently past. When native peoples narrate stories of ori-
                                                                  ries that act as the house’s sacred archives and as its living,
            gins they may or may not be evaluated according to their
                                                                  millennia-long memory of important events of the past.
            conformity to traditional versions. Often narrations are
                                                                  This irreplaceable verbal repository of knowledge consists
            accompanied by rituals that emphasize the living, present
                                                                  in part of sacred songs believed to have arisen literally
            character of the beings, places, and events named.Thus,
                                                                  from the breaths of the ancestors. Far more than musical
            among a number of native nations there are animal-
                                                                  representations of history, these songs serve as vital time-
            addressing, place-naming, ethic-declaiming narratives  traversing vehicles.They can transport members across the
            that accompany major rituals.These should not be seen  immense reaches of space and time into the dim mythic
            as either simply describing past events or as objectively  past of Gitskan creation by the very quality of their music
            categorizing land, animals, or laws.                  and the emotions they convey (Wa and Delgam 1987, 7).
   43   44   45   46   47   48   49   50   51   52   53