Page 15 - Chinese Woman Living and Working

2 ANNE E.MCLAREN
Shanxi, where he argues they appear ‘invisible’ but play a significant role, and also in
Edward’s historical perspective on women’s participation in politics, where she points to
a picture of stagnation for women in the reform era. The occupations of maid and
prostitute bring differential benefits to women so engaged. Notions of gender inequality,
or conversely, notions of women’s agency, are underlying themes of all chapters in this
volume. The dismal picture of women’s political power painted by Edwards contrasts
strongly with the image of female agency in Donald’s study of the techno-literate woman
teacher.
This volume has been divided into three sections: ‘“New” Domains in the Chinese
Market Economy’, ‘Women in the Professions’ and ‘Reinventing Domestic Space’. While
no comprehensive coverage can be achieved in a volume of this size, the contributors have
drawn on fieldwork from a vast swathe of territory in China, ranging from urban and
coastal areas such as Beijing, Shanghai, Anhui and the lower Yangtze delta, to Jiangxi and
the northwestern province of Shanxi. This territory includes some of China’s wealthiest
regions, but also some of its poorest. This study seeks to build on recent scholarly work
on gendered patterns of work in China (notably Croll 1994, 1995; Entwisle and
Henderson 2000; Davis and Harrell 1993; Gates 1996; Jacka 1997; Judd 1994; Rofel
1999) by opening up new areas of enquiry in less studied fields. These include women’s
employment in the private sector and in marginalised or stigmatised occupations such as
domestic service and prostitution. The impact of information technology on women
working in the professions and the emergence of Chinese-language women’s websites are
emerging new issues discussed in the contributions of Donald and Wylie. McLaren argues
that women’s ‘ritual work’ constitutes a little-known but nonetheless significant symbolic
dimension to notions of ‘women’s work’, both in the imperial and contemporary periods.
Sargeson’s study of housing trends in Zhejiang breaks new ground in its provocative
expose of how the marriage preferences of young women have led to startling economic
consequences, including the promotion of labour migration within China, changes in the
transmission of property across the generations, and the growth of conspicuous
consumption in coastal China.
In ‘Why Women Count’, David S.G.Goodman tackles the issue of women’s perceived
relative ‘disadvantage’ in employment during the reform period and argues that this is not
necessarily borne out in practice. Women most disadvantaged by the reforms appear to be
those in former state-owned enterprises. However, new opportunities have emerged for
mainly younger women in household-based enterprises. His extensive survey of 279
individuals from elite cadre or ‘new rich’ circles in Shanxi Province demonstrates that,
contrary to the received wisdom, women do indeed exercise ‘leadership’ in household
enterprises. The wife may suffer from ‘an inherent invisibility’ in popular perceptions but
her role as financial or business manager is critical for the success of the enterprise.
Goodman not only surveyed entrepreneurs about their activities but also questioned men
about the roles played by their wives in their enterprises. He was able to identify three
categories of women amongst the Shanxi elite: wives of the ‘new rich’ entrepreneurs;
wives of leading cadres; and women who were themselves leading cadres or
entrepreneurs.