Page 65 - Chinese Woman Living and Working

52 CLODAGH WYLIE
than for their male counterparts because of their dual roles as mothers and workers.
Participant B admitted to a heavy family burden, and said that because she was so busy
with her own work matters, she had little time for family, especially her child’s education
and looking after her older relatives. Participant F, a specialist hospital accountant,
believed that it was generally harder for women because of the difficulty in balancing the
demands of both family and work. Participant G also felt that women in their late thirties
and older had to deal with a lot of pressure because of parental and family demands.
Several women interviewed said that women in Shanghai had more support from their
husbands in the domestic sphere than women in Beijing. Men in Beijing were more
‘traditional’ and therefore, less likely to take part in roles perceived to be ‘women’s work’.
Participant E believed that Beijing women look after the home more than men, stating
that the model was generally that men were involved with government and work while
women were involved with home duties. However, the participant from Beijing (S)
explained that in her case, where housework, cooking and other domestic chores were
not shared equally between her and her husband, her spouse assumed responsibility in
other areas. She explained that she held an equivalent position to her husband, who also
worked for a foreign company. However, she admitted that she had to wake earlier every
morning to prepare breakfast for the family and that because her husband was admittedly
a ‘traditional man’, he did not share any of the food shopping, cooking or cleaning. He
did, however, take on a greater amount of responsibility for their teenage daughter’s
schooling and general care. This appeared to make a satisfactory arrangement for this
woman. She said that she was aware, however, that a considerable portion of men in
Shanghai were reportedly more supportive of their female partners than was her own
husband.

Sexual harassment and discrimination

On the whole, the participants declined to offer examples of problems experienced or
discrimination associated with working in corporate structures, often male-dominated
ones. Many did volunteer the opinion, however, that it was much harder for women than
men to succeed. Participant E rejected the notion that women were discriminated against,
adding that they were judged on merit and skill. However, she acknowledged that women
justifiably recognise a bias against them and therefore strive to be better than men. She
believed that because of a traditional preference for male children, many women were
forced to be more ‘outstanding’, more studious and diligent and to try harder than men.
Many of the participants shared this attitude and were reluctant to identify personal
problems or gender-specific hurdles, yet spoke of the innate bias against women in
Chinese society. The obvious contradiction here draws our attention to a possible
reluctance to put forward what seems to be a feminist position.
Having come across many articles in women’s publications concerning sexual
harassment, I was interested to see what the interviews would uncover in relation to this
issue. However, while it is a popular topic in women’s publications, the interviewees did
not address the issue of sexual harassment. The women’s reluctance to talk of personal
hardships was no doubt a factor in their lack of discussion of sexual harassment. I asked the