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FEMININITY AND AUTHORITY 49
            encounter an overall  negative perception of  guanxi  associated with the  ‘crude
            instrumentalism and aggressive tactics’ indicated in Yang’s study. One respondent did,
            however, explain  that when socialising with clients she would  not drink or  smoke,
            especially when she was  the  only  representative  of her company  and the only female
            present. Participant S was the manager  of  the import-export division  of an  American
            automotive parts manufacturer. She was head-hunted for her valuable local knowledge
            and experience, travelled for work regularly and often found herself the only woman in
            large networking gatherings. She felt uncomfortable in these situations that demanded
            networking with external business contacts. She found the most appropriate behaviour
            was to not engage in drinking or smoking at any stage in order to avoid any awkward or
            embarrassing situations. Apart from this comment, the other women made no mention of
            networking and socialising  with  strangers as  adversely  affecting how others perceived
            them. In fact, as mentioned earlier, the majority of the women in the sample felt that
            networking was an integral part of their daily work, and the ability to mix with a wide
            variety of people was seen as a valuable skill. However, the positive comments made on
            networking relate more to the participants’ immediate work context. Respondent B, a
            restaurant manager, felt that being forthright and candid was an important quality in her
            line of work. She also thought that it was important to show concern and consideration
            for her colleagues to secure their cooperation.
              Yang argues that guanxi as practiced in China  is perceived in the West as a female
            practice because it  revolves around  obligations and responsibilities,  whereas typically
            masculine,  individualistic behaviour  more closely represents the individualism of  the
            West. The relational nature of guanxi in China marks it as feminine, in opposition to the
            West’s ‘separation and independence of the individual’ (Yang 1994:192–3). In China,
            however, it is clear that guanxi is utilised by both men and women, yet there is often a
            gendered difference in practice. It appears that women use guanxi in a careful and non-
            threatening way, especially when operating in positions of power. In fact, in a number of
            women’s magazine articles profiling female professionals in private enterprises, attention
            is frequently given to their warm, friendly and caring natures.
              In the light of the predictability of these types of representations as well as the qualities
            identified by the interviewees, I believe that authority and femininity currently form an
            uneasy alliance in the Chinese setting. As we saw with the stated importance of being
            youhao, women apparently  have  to apply  themselves  to softening their authority and
            appear warm and non-formidable.


                                    The modern woman
            The term ‘modern  woman’  (xiandai nüren)  is referred to frequently in  women’s
            publications. How relevant the concept of ‘modern womanhood’ is to the women who
            are often the very embodiment of this modernity was examined in order to gauge the
            reality of  such representations. According  to the sample,  the characteristic that most
            identified a woman as being modern was independence.
              Participant  B responded that independent thought and  character, as well as having
            one’s own career, job and life, were integral to being a modern woman. Participant C
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