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The Indian Legal System  81

                Even in formal law (under the Bombay sub-school of Mitakshara) the
                rights of daughters in sonless families were not restricted to limited
                rights to property. For instance, a thirteenth-century inscription refers
                to a woman selling land she had inherited from her father (Altekar
                1956: 238–39).
                  Regionally, discrepancies between the shastras and local customs
                on marriage, divorce and inheritance practices are argued to have been
                less severe in the Deccan region and the south, and more in the north
                and the east (Derrett 1968). Yet, even in the latter regions, Derrett
                (ibid.: 221) argues that deviations from shastric rules were tolerated:
                ‘[T]he hard core of convenience stood out against theory, and to this day
                some ancient customary elements have succeeded in defying Shastric
                pronouncements—even those which were never compromised by dilu-
                tion and customary material.’
                  Based on records from the nineteenth-century, legal scholars Derett
                (ibid.), Mayne (1900) and Roy (1911) concluded that women’s property
                rights customarily exceeded shastric prescriptions in southern and
                western India. Mayne (1900: 41) notes, for instance, that a sister who
                was excluded in the Benaras and Bengal sub-schools of Mitakshara
                ranked high in the order of succession in Bombay Presidency, and
                comments:

                  It seems probable that the doctrine, which prevails in other districts,
                  that women are incapable of inheriting, without a special text, has
                  never been received at all in Western India. Women inherit there,
                  not by reason, but in defiance, of the rules which regulate their ad-
                  mission elsewhere. In their case, written law has never superseded
                  immemorial custom.

                Mayne insists that such variations are not due to the existence of
                different schools of law, since the basic principles of the Mitakshara sub-
                schools were the same; rather, they reflect variations of local customs.
                Indeed, local customs coexisted with local royal courts and British
                rulings. Strangely, British reforms concerning women do not seem to
                have had an impact on court decisions by the end of the nineteenth cen-
                tury. It is true that these reforms were not implemented for a long time.
                What is interesting is to realize that in spite of the desire of the British
                to modernize the position of women in Indian society, they reinforced
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