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                                                              Theories of Cybersociety  79
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                      It is true that, unlike television, the Internet is a network as well as
                  ‘dialogical’, capable of a two-way dialogue. But its network properties are
                  rarely realized in communication directly, and seldom do they become
                  meaningful qua network, because, as Becker and Wehner (1998) point out,
                  individuals only ever ‘use’ the Internet within well-defined sub-mediums.
                      Trevor Barr (2000) usefully breaks down the different kinds of inter-
                  action on the Internet into six categories:

                     1 one-to-one messaging (such as email);
                     2 one-to-many messaging (such as ‘listserv’);
                     3 distributed message databases (such as USENET news groups);
                     4 real-time communication (such as ‘Internet Relay Chat’);
                     5 real-time remote computer utilization (such as ‘telnet’); and
                     6 remote information retrieval (such as ‘ftp’, ‘gopher’ and the World
                       Wide Web’). (118)

                  It can be seen from this list that the Internet provides a generic environ-
                  ment for a number of different modes of interaction which can vary
                  according to real time/stored time, symmetrical versus asymmetrical
                  dialogue, broadcast sending and receiving, and information posting and
                  retrieval.
                      But each of these modes of interaction relates very differently to the
                  possible constitution of an ‘electronic public sphere’. Moreover, the infor-
                  mation and communication possibilities of the Internet are more often
                  than not parasitic of broadcast-mediated communication. The growth of
                  companion websites which accompany media organizations, news-
                  papers, consumer products, sporting events, etc., has provided an aston-
                  ishing impetus to the use of  information retrieval, listserv and interactive
                  databases available on the Internet.
                      When CMC is broken down into specific sub-media rather than
                  reduced to the indeterminacy of the Internet as a communication envi-
                  ronment, a more sophisticated appreciation of the technological transfor-
                  mations of the public sphere is enabled, and the advancement of new
                  accounts of context-specific partial publics is one outcome.
                      However, at the same time, the global reach and mobility of all forms
                  of Internet communication, regardless of the specificities of their sub-
                  media, also need to be accounted for. The reason for this, I argue, is that it
                  is impossible to separate the significance of contemporary CMC from its
                  antecedent and wider context of broadcast communication culture.
                      Why this is significant is that, whereas broadcast generates an instant
                  ‘international context’ of social connection, there are few ways in which
                  individuals can achieve meaningful  interaction to make tangible these
                  global connections. There are telephones and other ‘narrow-band’ ways of
                  communicating, but none of these is quite able to provide a multi-media
                  context for any given interaction. The Internet, it is argued by its promoters,
                  changes all of that.
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