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BITES AND BLIPS  119

            premise, which is, after all,  deference.  Their stance  is an insouciant
            subservience. They have imposed upon themselves a code that they call
            objectivity  but that is  more properly  understood  as a mixture of
            obsequiousness and fatalism—it is  not ‘their  business’  in general to
            affront the authorities, not ‘their place’ to declare who is lying, who is
            more right than whom, and how all the candidates fall short. Starting
            from the premise that they haven’t the right to raise issues the
            candidates don’t raise, or explore records the candidates don’t explore,
            they can at least ask  a  question  they feel entitled  to answer: ‘Who’s
            ahead?’ How can racing addicts be chased away from the track?
              By 1988, the fact that the horse-race had become the principal ‘story’
            was itself ‘old news’. Many in the news media had finally figured out
            one thing they could do differently. They could take the audience
            backstage,  behind the horse-race, into  the paddocks, the  stables, the
            clubhouse and the bookie joints. Not that the horse-race vanished: when
            the numbers are crunched, they will probably show quite a lot of horse-
            racing, probably as much as ever. But this time horse-race coverage was
            joined by handicapping coverage—stories about campaign tactics, what
            the handlers were up to, how the reporters felt about being handled: in
            short, how are the candidates trying to do it to us, and how are they
            doing at it? Anxiety lay behind this new style—anxiety that Reagan
            really had pulled the Teflon over their eyes, that they had been suckered
            by the smoothly whirring machinery of his stagecraft. So handicapping
            coverage was a defensive maneuver, and a self-flattering one: the media
            could in this way show that they were immune from the ministrations of
            campaign professionals.
              The result  is what many people call a  postmodern  move, in two
            senses: enchantment with the means toward the means, and ingratiation
            via a pass at deconstruction. There is a lot of this in American culture
            nowadays: the postmodern high culture of the 1960s (paintings calling
            attention to their paintedness, novels exposing their novelistic
            machinery) has swept into popular culture. An aspirin  commercial
            dizzyingly toys with itself (‘I’m not a doctor, though I play one on TV,’
            says a soap opera actor); an Isuzu commercial bids for trust by using
            subtitles to expose the lies of the over-enthusiastic pitchman; actors face
            the audience and speak ‘out of character’ about the program in which
            they are acting, Moonlighting. Campaign coverage in 1988 reveled in this
            mode. Viewers were invited  to be  cognoscenti of their own
            bamboozlement.
              This was the campaign that made ‘sound bite’, ‘spin control’, ‘spin
            doctor’, ‘handler’ and ‘photo op’ (for ‘opportunity’) into household
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