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BITES AND BLIPS  125

            follow narrative while others, disproportionately the young, pay more
            attention to distinct, out-of-context images. 8
              What professional handlers and TV journalists alike do is find images
            which condense their ‘little playlets’—images which satisfy both lovers
            of story and lovers of image. Then blip-centered television floods the
            audience with images that compress and evoke an entire narrative. The
            American 1980s begin with  one of these: the blindfolded American
            featured in the logo that identified the first late-night news program in
            the history of American television, the long-running melodrama called
            America Held Hostage, sixty-three weeks of it during 1979–81, running
            on ABC at  11.30  p.m. five nights a week,  propounding an image of
            America as ‘pitiful helpless giant’ (in Nixon’s phrase). Those were the
            months when Walter Cronkite signed off at CBS night after night by
            ticking off ‘the umpty-umpth day of captivity for the American hostages
            in Iran’. In this ceremony of innocence violated, the moment arose to
            efface the national brooding over Vietnam. Now it could be seen that
            the Vietnam trauma had  eclipsed  the larger  truth: it  was the  anti-
            Americans who were ugly. The blindfolded American, disfigured by
            anti-Americans, was  the contemporary  equivalent of the paleface
            captive of  redskins, that  American victim-hero whose  tradition  runs
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            back to the seventeenth century.  The image cried out for a man to ride
            out of the sagebrush on a white horse into the White House. The script
            for the Teheran  playlet  was not  written by the Reagan handlers
            (although it is  possible that they promised weapons to Iran’s
            Revolutionary Guards in exchange for their keeping the hostages until
            election day), but they certainly knew how it would end.
              We know how adept Reagan was at performing his playlets— he’d
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            been doing them all his life.  For eight years we heard endlessly about
            the mysterious personal qualities of the Great Communicator-in-Chief,
            from reporters  rushing about bearing spray-cans of Teflon  and
            marveling at his peculiar capacity to resist criticism. Reporters routinely
            declared  that Reagan was more  popular than  the polls  themselves
            revealed.  But the  mighty Wurlitzer  of the media was not devised
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            either by or for Reagan. It was primed for any of a number of possible
            figures who knew how to play upon it. The adaptability of the apparatus
            is exhibited by the media  success  of  even as maladroit a figure as
            George  Bush during the 1988  election. Having  declared that Bush’s
            central problem was to lick the wimp image (Newsweek devoted its 19
            October 1987 cover story to what it headlined ‘Fighting the “Wimp
            Factor”’), the media permitted him to  impress them that, when he
            started talking tough, he had  turned out ‘stronger  than expected’. In
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