Page 47 - Communication and Citizenship Journalism and the Public Sphere
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36 COMMUNICATION AND CITIZENSHIP

            interpretations have taken a number of divergent forms. But traditional
            marxism offers an understanding of the capitalist media that is at odds
            with the radical democratic approach. According to old-style marxism,
            the liberal concept of the public sphere  is a chimera,  disguising the
            reality of bourgeois domination. The media are agencies of class control
            since they are owned by the bourgeoisie or are subject to its ideological
            hegemony. Indeed, the media should be  viewed as an  ideological
            apparatus of the state—the ideational counterpart  to the  repressive
            apparatus of the police, judiciary and armed forces through which the
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            ruling order is ultimately sustained.  The view that the media can be
            ‘reformed’ is dismissed as naïve. Significant changes in the media can
            only be effected through the socialist transformation of society.
              This is opposed by a radical democratic view which offers a different
            understanding of the relationship of the media to power structures in
            society. Radical democrats usually argue  that  journalists have
            sometimes a considerable degree of day-to-day autonomy, particularly
            in broadcasting corporations which have won a measure of autonomy
            from government and in commercial media with dispersed
            shareholdings, where there  is no dominant owner. This relative
            autonomy enables journalists to respond to a variety of influences—a
            change in the general climate of opinion, a shift in the milieux in which
            journalists move, the recomposition of accredited sources (due to, for
            example, a change of government), the emergence of new market trends
            calling for  a competitive response. These  responses  cannot  be
            automatically dismissed as  acts  of  repressive  incorporation in which
            elements of popular consciousness are selectively assimilated in ways
            that leave the dominant ideology essentially unchanged. This familiar
            argument is usually based on a conception of the dominant ideology as
            a monolithic and faithful rationalization of dominant material interests.
            This generally overstates the homology between ideas  and economic
            interests, the internal consistency  of dominant  discourses,  the
            homogeneity  of dominant interests and the extent  of ideological
            domination of subordinate classes.
              The radical democratic  approach  is also grounded in a different
            understanding of the wider environment in which media organizations
            operate. This is a  subject  on which it is  difficult  to generalize  since
            circumstances vary considerably from one country to another, and from
            one period to another. But in general radical democratic analysis tends
            to argue  that acceptance  of the  social order in Europe  is based on
            pragmatic rather  than ideological  consent; that basic antagonisms
            persist, which generate opposition to the hierarchy of power; and that,
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