Page 220 - Communication and the Evolution of Society
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197                        Legitimation  Problems  in  the  Modern  State

         rations)  cannot  be  neutralized.  The  need  for  coordination  at  a  supra-
         national  level  cannot  easily  be  satisfied  as  long  as  governments  have
         to  legitimate  themselves  exclusively  in  terms  of  national  decisions  and
         thus  have  to  react  to  national  developments  that  are  extremely  non-
         synchronous.
           3.  Until  the  middle  of  this  century,  national  identity  in  advanced
         European  countries  was  so  strongly  developed  that  legitimation  crises
         could  be  headed  off  by  nationalistic  means  if  in  no  other  way.  Today
         there  are  growing  indications  not  only  that  exhaustion  has  set  in  where
         national  consciousness  has  been  overstimulated,  but  that  a  process  of
         erosion  is  underway  in  all  the  older  nations.  The  disproportion  be-
         tween  worldwide  mechanisms  of  system  integration  (world  market,
         weapons  systems,  news  media,  personal  communication)  and  the  local-
         ized  social  integration  of  the  state  may  be  a  contributing  factor.  Today
         it  is  no  longer  so  easy  to  separate  out  internal  and  external  enemies
         according  to  national  characteristics.  Characteristics  relating  to  opposi-
         tion  to  the  system  serve  as  a  substitute  (as,  e.g.,  in  the  recent  ‘Radicals
         Decree”  in  the  Federal  Republic  of  Germany).  Conversely,  however,
         membership  in  the  system  cannot,  it  seems,  be  built  up  to  a  positive
         identifying  characteristic.
           4.  Nor  are  the  sociostructural  conditions  particularly  favorable  for
         the  “planning  of  ideology’’  (Luhmann).  Horizontal  and  vertical  ex-
         pansion  of  the  educational  system  does  make  it  easier  to  exercise
         social  control  through  the  mass  media.  But  the  symbolic  use  of  politics
         (in  the  sense  of  M.  Edelmann)  thereby  also  becomes  more  and  more
         susceptible  to  exercises  in  self-contradiction.  (On  the  evening  news,  one
         watches  the  leaders  of  the  Social  Democratic  Party  spell  out  invest-
         ment  control  as  a  “forward-looking  industrial  policy.”  The  next  day
         one  reads  Wehner’s  denial  in  Der  Spiegel:  ‘‘We  live  at  a  time  in  which
         semantics  is  decisive.”  I  am  ignoring  for  the  moment  the  selective
         circulation  of  Der  Spiegel.)
           c.  If  under  these  restrictive  conditions  the  state  does  not  suc-
         ceed  in  keeping  the  dysfunctional  side  effects  of  the  capitalist
         economic  process  within  bounds  acceptable  to  the  voting  public,
         if  it  is  also  unsuccessful  in  lowering  the  threshold  of  acceptability
         itself,  chen  manifestations  of  delegitimation  are  unavoidable.  This
         is  marked  at  first  by  symptoms  of  a  sharpened  struggle  over  dis-
         tribution,  which  proceeds  according  to  the  rules  of  a  zero-sum
         game  between  the  state’s  share,  the  share  of  wages,  and  the  rate  of
         profit.  The  rate  of  inflation,  the  financial  crisis  of  the  state,  and
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