Page 206 - Communication Commerce and Power The Political Economy of America and the Direct Broadcast Satellite
P. 206

196           Communication,  Commerce and Power

           TNCs. Through the medium of DBS, in conjunction with established
           telecommunications  links,  and  the  use  of sports,  rock  videos,  sex,
           violence and perhaps even  on-line gambling to attract mass transna-
           tional audiences to participate in the information economy, AI Gore's
           dream  of a  Global  Information  Infrastructure  appears  set  to  come
           true.



           8.1  ASSESSING CULTURAL IMPERIALISM

           Cultural imperialism is being exercised but not in the form postulated
           by  most cultural imperialism  theorists.  Rather than  primarily a  sys-
           tematic expression  of capitalism or an  outcome of elite-based  struc-
           tures  and  orchestrations,  its  expression  largely  has  been  defined  by
           complex structures and mediations.  In not recognizing  this,  Schiller,
           for  one,  now  has  replaced  the  American  state  with  transnational
           capital as the core agent of this sub-set of imperialism. The institutio-
           nalization of the free  flow  of information has,  as  Schiller believed it
           would,  entrenched  the  dominant  position  of mostly  US-based  cor-
           porations  in  late-twentieth-century  information  economy  develop-
           ments.  However,  in  not  articulating  the  processes  and  structural
           dynamics of this history, and in not explicitly recognizing the distinc-
           tion  between  the  American  state  as  'mediator'  versus  its  role  as  an
           imperialistic 'orchestrator' or 'functionary,' the precise nature of cul-
           tural  imperialism  and  its  problematic  and  potentially  contradictory
           features cannot be directly addressed.
             Based  on  the research  presented in  this  book,  the cultural imperi-
           alism paradigm  fails  adequately  to  explicate  intra-state  and  inter-
           corporate conflicts. It does not clearly recognize the barriers and the
           related  historically  based  policy-making structural  biases  that  shape
           the  day-to-day  perspectives  of public  sector  officials.  Lastly,  and
           perhaps most importantly, it is limited in its ability to theorize change.
           For example,  on the Carter administration's formation  of the IPDC,
           Schiller assessed American motivations as follows:

             [T]he US  business system would secure world markets for its high-
             tech  products  and  services,  bind  more  closely  than  ever  into  its
             world-wide  commercial  system  the  balky  nations  of Africa,  Asia,
             and  Latin  America,  and  neatest  of all,  in  an  ideological  sense,
             convince  the  poor  world  that  it  was  embarking  on  a  course  of
             economic improvement and national autonomy.  All  these  benefits
   201   202   203   204   205   206   207   208   209   210   211