Page 26 - Conflict, Terrorism, and the Media In Asia
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US journalism 15
            proceeded to honour the network with its free-expression prize, and analysis
            indicated that the framing devices it used which exercised the Pentagon and other
            anti-democrats were identical to media norms everywhere – other than one coun-
            try (Byrne 2003a; Fisk 2003b; Khouri 2003; Lobe 2003). The Associated Press
            Managing Editors sent an open letter of protest to the Pentagon, noting that
            ‘journalists have been harassed, have had their lives endangered and have had
            digital camera disks, videotape and other equipment confiscated’by the US military
            (Associated Press 2003). Meanwhile, the US Government selected Grace Digital
            Media to run an Arabic-language satellite television news service into post-invasion
            Iraq. Grace is a fundamentalist Christian company that describes itself as ‘dedicated
            to transmitting the evidence of God’s presence in the world today’ via ‘secular
            news, along with aggressive proclamations that will “change the news” to reflect
            the Kingdom of God’. It is dedicated to Zionism (quoted in Mokhiber and
            Weissman 2003b).
              For their part, the US media derided al Jazeera throughout the war and
            occupation. This churlishness reached its nadir in April 2004 when CNN’s Daryn
            Kagan interviewed the network’s editor-in-chief, Ahmed Al-Sheik. What might
            have been an opportunity to learn about the horrendous casualties in the Fallujah
            uprisings, or to share professional perspectives on methods and angles of
            coverage, turned into a bizarrely unreflective indictment of al Jazeera for
            bothering to report the deaths of Iraqi non-combatants at the hands of the
            invaders. Kagan complained that ‘the story’ was ‘bigger than just the numbers of
            people who have been killed or the fact that they might have been killed by the
            US military’ (quoted in FAIR 2004). At least this represented interaction with
            al Jazeera, a stark contrast with CNN refusing to appear on a Nordic TV panel
            with their representatives (Eide 2004: 280).  And some analysts suggest that
            CNN’s dependence on al Jazeera for direct images and reportage from the
            Afghanistan conflict helped to make for a semblance of balance between techno-
            cratic celebrations and humanitarian discussions of death (Jasperson and
            Al-Kikhia 2003: 120, 125).


            The story of overseas news, the role of intellectuals
            The US networks know precious little about any other part of the world by
            contrast with their western European,  Asian, Latin  American, and Middle
            East counterparts, as evident from several leading journalists’ embarrassed
            admissions that US TV coverage of the invasion of Afghanistan was abysmal. In
            the absence of experienced crews with relevant knowledge of culture, language,
            and history they were shown up (Rosen 2002: 31). The Sydney Morning Herald
            called the result ‘[j]ingoistic, sugar-coated, superficial’. CBC’s News Director
            found it ‘depressing’. He experienced ‘two different wars’ in Afghanistan, one
            available on European television and the other in the US (quoted in Kellner 2003:
            111). The Pew Charitable Trusts (2002) reported that opinion rather than the fact
            dominated reporting, in part through the inexperience of US journalists noted
            earlier, and in part because the Bush  Administration imposed unprecedented
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