Page 74 - Conflict, Terrorism, and the Media In Asia

The Philippines media 63
all the reports which contained background information were published in the
Manila Bulletin, and across all publications the majority of stories were still about
the security situation (Pe Benito and Cagoco 2004).
There have also been charges of Islamophobia, from the Muslim community in
the media. This has also been corroborated by the CMFR, which has suggested that
‘One too many in the Manila press reacted in stereotype and let stereotype color
copy and photo selection. One too many journalists let loose “hate-speech” against
Muslims’ (Asia Times Online 2000b). It also found that editorialists often tended to
lump ‘terrorists’ and Muslims together (Reporters without Borders 2004). Filipino
journalism has few Muslim practitioners, which might partly explain why editorial
policy has not been sensitive to Muslim issues (Quintos de Jesus 2003).
These shortcomings were largely a consequence of flaws in media practice,
which included: sensationalism; undue political and corporate influence on the
news; and widespread lack of reporting and editorial skills (Quintos de Jesus
2003), whilst corruption also makes it highly partisan and untrustworthy
(McCargo 2003: 21). There has generally been a lack of commitment to gather-
ing news on these conflicts. Publishers were reluctant to financially support
reporters, forcing many of them to ‘embed’ with military officials. This resulted
in skewed reporting, which viewed the MILF and the ASG as one and the same
thing (Asia Times Online 2000b). The major TV networks also retain few staff in
the region and local bureau are ill-equipped to gather stories and feed them to a
national network. When a major story breaks the networks have to bring in staff
from Manila who are often unfamiliar with the issues. Jake Maderazo, managing
director of the ABS-CBN news channel, admits that Manila newsmen go to
Mindanao with preconceived and often erroneous notions about the MILF and the
ASG. Few Manila newsmen have a working knowledge of the Moro struggle, and
whilst it is incumbent on reporters and editors to research their stories, this has
been more the exception than the rule in Mindanao. Lacking the proper tools to
effectively evaluate information, some newsmen fell prey to propaganda or simply
misread the statements of their sources (Lingao July–September 2000).
To compound the problem, the media seldom called on experts such as academics
and civil society leaders who could provide alternative perspectives. As a result,
coverage of terrorism does not differ significantly from coverage of criminal
violence. The more violent and shocking incidents are reported more prominently
(Quintos de Jesus 2003). This was reflected in the way that the media labelled
violence. Prior to 2004, most media practitioners used the ‘terrorist’ label to
encompass the actions of guerilla fighters, bandits, kidnappers, arsonists, murderers
and terrorists. This ignored the critical distinctions between the different forms of
criminal activity and political violence (Teodoro 2003).
These shortcomings were coupled with widespread harassment of the media and
attacks on press freedom. Fifty-seven Filipino journalists have been killed since
1986, and none of the murders has been solved. In 2004 alone, seven journalists
were murdered, putting the Philippines equal with Colombia as the most dangerous
place in the world for journalists to work in. The suspects in these killings included
politicians, the military, businessmen, warlords, crime syndicates and rebels