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THE NEW LEFT

            New Left spurned the “peculiarities of the English” in favour of an
            uncompromisingly internationalist sympathy for the Vietnamese
            Revolution. Where the Old New Left had counterposed “experience”
            and “culture” to Communist dogmatism, the New New Left discovered
            in Western Marxism a type of “Theory” that would function as an
            antidote to the alleged empiricism both of English bourgeois culture
            and of the British Labour Party.
              Much in the Western Marxist tradition had been unavailable in
            English translation until well into the 1960s. Indeed, substantial
            translations of Lukács’s History and Class Consciousness and Gramsci’s
            Prison Notebooks, perhaps the tradition’s two “key” texts, only
            appeared as late as 1971. For the New New Left the lure of “Theory”
            reached its apogee, however, not so much with either of these humanist
            Marxisms as with Althusserian structural Marxism: the reconstructed
            New Left Review adopted as its central theoretical project the
            translation and importation into Britain of a version of Western
            Marxism selectively “weighted” towards Althusserianism.  This
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            interest in continental Marxism can be represented as a simple
            disengagement from the analysis of British society and culture, and
            from the practicalities of British politics, that had concerned the Old
            New Left. But such an interpretation captures a part only of the truth.
            For, in a series of extremely ambitious essays, Anderson and his
            colleagues, and in particular Tom Nairn, had propounded a distinctly
            original account of British history, which in turn came to provide an
            essentially practical political rationale for their developing interest in
            Western Marxism.
              According to Anderson and Nairn, the English revolution of the
            17th century remained essentially uncompleted, its central political
            legacy a class compromise between the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie
            rather than a fully-formed bourgeois polity, its central cultural legacy
            a deeply conservative combination of traditionalism and empiricism.
            Out of this class compromise, they argued, there had arisen in England
            a peculiarly archaic state form, a peculiarly supine bourgeoisie, a
            peculiarly subordinate proletariat, and a peculiarly philistine
            intelligentsia.  Anderson, Nairn and their collaborators saw the
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            importation into Britain of Western Marxism as a device by which to
            break the politico-intellectual log-jam they had detected. This analysis
            has been subsequently amended by Nairn’s work on nationalism and
            by his practical political involvement with Scottish nationalism;  by
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