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                                      Contemporary Cultural Theory



                   gravely threatened with common biological extinction’ (Eagleton,
                   1989a, p. 188).



                   HIGH STRUCTURALISM

                   Lévi-Strauss
                   Both Barthes and Lévi-Strauss came into contact with Saussurean
                   linguistics partly by way of the legacy of Russian Formalism and
                   the Prague School. Lévi-Strauss’  The Elementary Structures of
                   Kinship, first published in 1949, dealt with a typically ‘anthro-
                   pological’ subject—marriage and descent—but in a typically
                   semiological fashion, through the attempt to construct a
                   ‘grammar’ of kinship (Lévi-Strauss, 1969). The incest taboo, he
                   would conclude, ‘is in origin neither purely cultural nor purely
                   natural’ (Lévi-Strauss, 1985, p. 24). He believed it could be
                   explained only in conjunction with kinship structures and, to this
                   end, turned to an analogous symbolic system, ‘phonology’, as
                   theorised by Jakobson. Both kinship and phonology are system-
                   atic; in both, individual terms or entities are determined by their
                   difference from others in the system; both function as uncon-
                   scious structures; both are governed by general laws
                   (Lévi-Strauss, 1963, p. 33). For Lévi-Strauss, the principle of
                   ‘reciprocity’, of gift and counter-gift based on the exchange
                   of goods and women, provided the common element uniting all
                   manifestations of kinship structure, and was thus also the source
                   of the incest prohibition.
                      In the four volumes of Mythologiques, published between 1964
                   and 1971, he sought to explain how the passage from nature to
                   culture was symbolised in the indigenous cultures of North and
                   South America. All the Indian peoples, he concluded, ‘seem to
                   have conceived of their myths for one purpose only: to come to
                   terms with history and, on the level of system, to re-establish a
                   state of equilibrium capable of acting as a shock-absorber for the
                   disturbances caused by real-life events’ (Lévi-Strauss, 1981,
                   p. 607). Meaning did not inhere in the myths themselves; the
                   myths were media or ‘grids’ through which to make sense of a
                   world that can never be known in itself. The Osage Indians of

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