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                                      The cultural politics of difference



                     politics will be self-defeating insofar as ‘white’ continues to stand
                     for citizenship, ‘black’ or ‘brown’ (and ‘yellow’) for minority
                     ‘subservient’ status (West, 1999, p. 501). Moreover, such race talk
                     might well perpetuate racist discourse within Latino commun-
                     ities themselves. Following Hall, Darder and Torres opt for a
                     ‘critical notion of ethnicity’, able to ‘position’ already ‘racialized
                     populations’ in relation to their ‘particular histories’ (Darder &
                     Torres, 1998, p. 10).
                       This history has been one of ‘conquest and colonization,...
                     proletarianization and disempowerment’ (p. 17). The resulting
                     struggles, over bilingualism in education, assimilation, urban
                     space, media representation, welfare and the status of illegal
                     aliens, provided much of the raw material for Latino studies. The
                     initial impetus towards an independent Latino politics came from
                     the Californian and Texan farm strikes of the mid-1960s, which
                     triggered a more general mobilisation of Mexican  Americans
                     and the beginnings of a distinctly nationalist vision. Mexican-
                     American activists appropriated the pejorative terms, Chicano
                     and Chicana, transforming them into a sign of positive political
                     identity. The movement evolved into a full-blown cultural nation-
                     alism, complete with artistic and theatrical works exalting peasant
                     and indigenous cultural values, an assertion of racial pride (¡Viva
                     la raza!) and a resuscitated mythology of Aztlán, the legendary
                     home of the Aztecs. As with most other cultural nationalisms, it
                     largely ignored class, gender and sexual differences within the
                     Mexican-American community. Hence the backlash from Chicana
                     feminists who, in the early 1980s, had begun to challenge the
                     machismo of Chicano nationalism.
                       The rather different situation of Puerto Ricans has been per-
                     ceptively analysed by Juan Flores in his From Bomba to Hip-Hop.
                     He argued that the question of cultural identity is crucial for
                     diasporic nations, especially so for Puerto Ricans, given that half
                     the population of the island now lives in the United States. The
                     continuous migration flows have kept alive cultural memory and
                     a sense of national belonging, but have also created tensions
                     between the islanders and the diaspora, as well as conflicts of
                     loyalty that are played out within the class and racial hierarchies
                     of the dominant society. Combining sociological insight with

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