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110  Social Movements


                        his work. First, he over - emphasizes ideology in social movement confl icts.
                        This is well illustrated by his study of the anti - nuclear movement in France
                        in the 1970s. Touraine ’ s interest in anti - nuclear protest lay in his hope
                        that it might be the central social movement of post - industrial society,
                        replacing the workers ’  movement of industrial society. In order to estab-
                        lish whether or not this was the case, he used his unconventional method

                        of  “ social intervention. ”  The first aim of this method is to study collective
                        action as directly as possibly, by looking at the self - analysis of a militant
                        group in confrontation with its opponents. Second, the researcher actively
                        intervenes to help collective struggle take shape as a force for social trans-
                        formation by challenging the assumptions with which activists work and
                        raising their action to a  “ higher level of struggle. ”  It is this aim which has
                        earned Touraine ’ s method the epithet  “ sociological Leninism ”  (Cohen,
                        cited in Pickvance,  1995 : 127;  cf  McDonald,  2002 ). Finally, the researcher
                        also tries to get the group to develop an alternative, progressive model of
                        modernity. In the case of the nuclear protestors Touraine found so prom-
                        ising, he hoped that they would develop an anti - technocratic vision of

                        society as a whole for which they could fight. In fact, however, he found

                        that they were unable to fulfil the criteria he specifi ed as those of the
                        central movement of post - industrial society. Motivated above all by fear
                        rather than by a vision of the future, they were unable to identify a con-
                        crete enemy  –  attributing problems to  “ the system ”   –  and were eventually
                        tempted by the utopian ideal of a retreat into community and withdrew
                        from engagement in the struggle to bring about social transformation
                        (Touraine,  1983 ).
                            As several commentators have pointed out, Touraine ’ s methodology,
                        particularly the way in which he attempts as a researcher to bring the
                        movement to the realization of its potential, seems to suggest that the
                        most important aspect of bringing about social transformation is to have
                        the right ideas. This is manifestly not the case; since action takes place in
                        practice and so is subject to constraints and is implicated in modifi cations
                        and consequences which cannot be foreseen in advance, even the best
                        plans may be thwarted. In Touraine ’ s work with social movements, fur-
                        thermore, it is not ideas of strategy which are at issue, but rather the
                          “ true ”  definition of the social actors involved in the struggle, and the

                        cultural orientations at stake (Pickvance,  1995 : 127). This is problematic,
                        not just because  “ truth ”  is relative to perspective, but also because it is
                        counter - intuitive, begging a number of questions about the relevance of
                          “ truth ”   to social movements. It is not that social movements must estab-
                        lish the  “ true ”  identities of their opponents, or the  “ realities ”  of the situ-
                        ation in which they are engaged. It is rather that they necessarily engage
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