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Citizenship 179


                    immigration. Measures include the use of detention camps where migrants
                    are held, sometimes for years, in overcrowded and poor conditions whilst
                    waiting for asylum cases to be heard. Such measures are often described
                    as constructing  “ fortress Europe ”  or  “ fortress America, ”  political units
                    which put up barriers to those outside. On the grounds that these are at
                    the same time barriers to maintain racial segregation, Anthony Richmond
                    has described this new world order as  “ global apartheid. ”  He argues that
                    immigration controls involving work permits, segregated housing loca-
                    tions, restricted travel, and deprivation of political rights are used against
                    illegal immigrants and asylum - seekers in order to protect privileged access
                    to health, education, and welfare services, just as the South African gov-
                    ernment used such measures to control and exploit the black population
                    when apartheid was enforced (Richmond,  1994 ; see Balibar,  2004 ;
                    120 – 3).
                         An alternative, much more optimistic, assessment of global migration

                    processes sees them as significant for the way in which they have prompted
                    a form of post - national citizenship. According to Yasemin Soysal, migrant
                    groups who are resident but not citizens in Europe (most notably  “ guest -
                      workers ” ) have won human rights to a wide range of benefi ts  within
                    European states. They have been able to do so because international
                    human rights have been incorporated into national law in Europe.
                    Organizations representing migrants have won civil rights to appeal
                    against deportation, political rights to vote in local elections, cultural
                    rights to translation services in public institutions, and a range of social
                    rights to healthcare, education, housing, and welfare. As a result of global
                    migration and developing regime of international human rights, Soysal
                    argues that rights are now based on universal personhood, not member-
                    ship of a particular nation. Nationality and rights are disarticulated as
                    the absolute distinction between  “ citizenship ”  and  “ foreigner ”  is eroded
                    within nation - states, at least in terms of formal legal rights (Soysal,  1994 ).
                         Similarly, David Jacobson  (1996)  argues that in the US, individual
                    rights are no longer directly tied to nationality; the individual now has a
                    status in international law, and in many cases, rights attached to this
                    status are equivalent to the rights of citizens guaranteed by nation - states.
                    The US has adopted quite generous interpretations of international human
                    rights law covering asylum - seekers, including for women fl eeing gender -

                      specific violence to which much of Europe remains closed. It is also the
                    case that, over many years, resident aliens in the US have won rights
                    through the courts, including social rights to children ’ s education and

                    welfare. However, US state officials are notoriously reluctant to introduce
                    international human rights law into domestic law, and the rights of
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