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180  Citizenship


                        resident aliens tend to be based on  “ activist ”  interpretations of US law
                        itself. Bosniak argues that US law is inherently schizophrenic, separating
                        out questions of who is and can be a member of the society, which is
                        covered by immigration law, from questions of the rights of individuals
                        within the territory, which may include those of non - citizens. She argues
                        that constitutionally resident aliens are entitled to virtually the same rights
                        as citizens in US law, and the courts have accepted this to some degree
                        (Bosniak,  2006 ). On the other hand, as Rainer Baubock points out, where
                        resident aliens have recourse only to national law, with no direct appeal
                        to international human rights in US courts, those rights are particularly
                        vulnerable to changes in the political regime. Indeed, from 1996, resident

                        aliens were denied federal welfare benefits through government legislation
                        (Baubock,  2002 : 134).
                            Theorists of post - national citizenship are much more optimistic than
                        Richmond because they do not see the state as acting in a singular and

                        unified fashion with regard to migration processes. Nor do they see a
                        homogeneous global order emerging. It is rather that there is often a void
                        in national law with respect to detailed provision for non - national resi-
                        dents and asylum - seekers. Under these conditions, associations, organiza-
                        tions, and individuals maneuver to try to gain a measure of security and
                        well - being when non - citizens would otherwise be without rights  –  with
                        some degree of success. As Soysal puts it, states are caught between com-
                        peting claims to legitimacy: bound on one hand to respect human rights,
                        and we might add, domestic law where it may be interpreted to cover
                        non - citizens, and on the other, to regulate immigration as an expression
                        of sovereignty. Their activities are not always consistent (Soysal,  1994 :
                        7 – 8).
                            Jacobson argues that post - national citizenship erodes the principle that
                        a state should, above all, be concerned to protect its national interests
                        (Jacobson,  1996 ). This is far from evident, however, even in Europe. First,
                        states have withheld rights to vote in national elections from non - citizens;
                        although in most European states they have the right to vote in local elec-
                        tions. In this respect, then, they deny non - nationals the right to determine
                        the laws and policies under which they live that is considered the defi ning
                        feature of democratic citizenship. Second, especially since heightened
                        security fears after 9/11, the precariousness of even the formal rights of
                        resident non - citizens has become much more visible, especially where
                        accusations of involvement in terrorist activities have resulted in the
                        infringement of basic civil rights. In the UK, several non - citizens were
                        detained without trial for a number of years following 9/11, without even
                        being allowed to see the evidence against them, before the policy was
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