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Globalization and Democracy 215


                         The question of what  “ civil society ”  should include as a normative
                    concept is closely related to debates over what it is, and should become
                    in reality. One of the main areas of contention here is the question of
                    whether capitalist markets should be considered part of civil society or

                    not. Political theorists tend to define civil society as existing between the
                    state and the market, on the grounds that the market is as much of a
                    danger to the peaceful solidarity of civil society as are repressive states.
                    However, there is a danger that excluding capitalism altogether may lead
                    to an understanding of civil society that is compelling normatively, but
                    so narrow descriptively that it does not help sociological analysis of what
                    potential for  “ actually existing ”  for global democratization. For example,

                    Cohen ’ s and Arato ’ s influential work (concerned with national civil soci-

                    eties) defines civil society as consisting of  “ associations (especially volun-
                    tary associations), social movements, and forms of public communication

                        …  created through forms of self - constitution and self - mobilisation ”
                    (Cohen and Arato,  1994 : ix). There are, however, relatively few non -
                      professional associations compared to the huge number and variety of
                    NGOs active at the global level who employ professional staff; and it is
                    virtually impossible to imagine how transnational mediated communica-
                    tion might be disentangled from markets. If we adopt such a stringent

                    definition, we can only conclude that global civil society is practically
                    non - existent.
                         At the other end of the spectrum, John Keane argues for a very inclusive
                    definition of global civil society as including profi t - seeking businesses.

                    Although  “ turbo - capitalism ”  certainly produces immense and very dam-
                    aging inequalities  –  and we should add that some transnational corpora-
                    tions have colluded with repressive states (for example, Unocal in Burma,
                    and Shell in Nigeria)  –  he argues that, in general, business is much more

                    difficult to carry on where there is the threat of violence because predict-
                    ability and security are required in order to calculate profi tability. Keane
                    argues further that transnational corporations are contributing to the
                    integration of a global society,  “ thickening ”  communications networks
                    (by investing in and developing innovative new technologies), and gener-
                    ating income, goods, and services across the world. Indeed, it is where
                    there is continual civil unrest and no investment, as in sub - Saharan Africa,
                    that people are most impoverished and marginalized. It is important to
                    note that Keane is not arguing  for   “ turbo - capitalism. ”  On the contrary,
                    he sees the activities of other civil society actors as vital in altering trans-
                    national corporations to ameliorate the inequalities they produce and to
                    prevent destructive effects on the environment. Nevertheless, he argues
                    that complex societies need markets to provide goods and services. Active
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