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Media power, challenges and alternatives  211

             market can be trusted to realise digital plenitude and create an equitable environ-
             ment for cultural and democratic exchange. There is undeniably increased digital
             communication but claims for media pluralism need to be carefully qualified and
             assessed in regard to the continuing dominance of ‘vertical’ media content provision
             and consumption, contractions in public service media and the scarcity and
             resource limitations of alternatives. While source diversity has undoubtedly
             increased, understanding which sources are actually used by audiences (exposure
             diversity) has grown in importance (Napoli 2011; Karppinen 2009). The myth of
             digital abundance is problematic because it is mobilised to suggest that market
             mechanisms can secure by themselves what have been formerly recognised as
             goals for public policy – balancing private and public interests in communications;
             fostering and safeguarding media pluralism and diversity. For citizens’ media to
             flourish requires financial and regulatory support through public policies.

             Media reform and protest

             Democratic media activism takes four main forms. Integration involves reforming
             the media internally. Alternative media means creating new and parallel media
             activities. Protest involves criticism, action and awareness raising about media
             problems. Media reform involves efforts to change the conditions in which
             media operate. As with other categories discussed above the division between
             protest and media reform is blurred and many media reform strategies and tactics
             involve both. Media reform is characterised by efforts to ensure communication
             resources are used for social purposes and shaped by democratic involvement. Pro-
             tests against media power may not share confidence in or support for such solutions
             by virtue of critiques of statism (libertarianism, culturalism), majoritarianism, or
             orderings of mainstream cultural values (some activism on sexuality, race, gender
             and disability).These are fruitful and important areas of debate within the creation
             of progressive coalitions. On the whole the CPE tradition has advocated media
             reform as the logical outcome of a critique both of dominant media and the mar-
             ginalisation and structured insufficiency of radical media to provide a satisfactory
             alternative. Writing in a US context, McChesney and Nichols argue (2002: 123):

                 It is the result of relentless lobbying from big business interests that have
                 won explicit government policies and subsidies permitting [corporate media]
                 to scrap public interest obligations and increase commercialization and
                 conglomeration. It is untenable to accept such massive subsidies for the
                 wealthy, and to content ourselves with the ‘freedom’ to forge alternatives
                 that only occupy the margins.

             Media reform agendas were outlined in chapter eight. In the context of the dis-
             cussion here critical issues include which modes of contesting media power are
             more feasible, desirable and capable of mobilising the necessary support to make
             gains. That must be debated and answered within and across media systems.
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