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Media cultures, media economics, media problems  67

               The problem of offering a satisfactory account of the relationship between the
             political and economic sphere is an ongoing challenge. In general, critical political
             economists have moved from economism towards an appreciation of the relative
             autonomy, and complexity, of the state. In democratic political systems, states
             are susceptible to democratic pressures to create socially beneficial outcomes,
             even while aligned with serving capital and political and economic elites. Any
             state theory must deal not only with international variations but also with
             globalisation processes and the reconfiguration of state power (chapter seven).
             The contribution of CPE analysis within the internationalising of media studies
             (Curran and Park 2000a; Thussu 2009; Hardy 2012a) has included analysing the
             various interconnections of state and market power (Sparks 2008; Chakravartty
             and Zhao 2008). For Sparks (2000b: 47):

                 The experience of Central and Eastern Europe highlights the fact that, in
                 most of the world, there is a close relationship, and often interpenetration,
                 between capital and politics. The belief that these two terms are polarized
                 into the states of (desirable) complete separation and (undesirable) complete
                 fusion is to mistake extreme cases for the norm.

             In China, Winfield and Peng (2005) conclude ‘there appears to be a convolution
             of the Party line and the bottom line, a Chinese media system moving from
             totalitarianism to market authoritarianism’, while Lee et al. (2007: 24) propose
             ‘party-market corporatism’ as a concept to explain both the interlocking of the
             state and capital in China, and ‘the management of the state-media-capital
             tripartite relationship’.
               Perspectives on the state and media tend to draw on a mixture of theoretical,
             historical and empirical analysis, although this is not always explicitly acknowl-
             edged, as in Althusser’s account of Ideological State Apparatuses (chapter one).
             A highly negative assessment of the state comes from libertarian strains that
             conceive the state as an essentially repressive force on individual freedom.
             However, this can lead to an analysis in close alignment with neoliberalism by
             disfavouring state action yet tacitly justifying corporate rule and the freedom of
             powerful economic actors. Another, radical democratic, perspective argues that
             democratic institutions and processes can be used to develop policies that serve
             wider social and cultural goals. There is then a historical debate between revo-
             lutionary strategies to capture and overthrow the state or reformism, establishing
             social welfare policies through ‘parliamentary socialism’. Connected to these
             more general conceptions of the state, economy and democracy are specific
             debates concerning the role of the state in communications.

             Media and the public sphere

             Jürgen Habermas’s Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, first published in
             1962, has had an enormous impact on Western media scholarship, especially
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