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Media cultures, media economics, media problems  73

             Table 2
             Control                                        Chaos
             Information scarcity                           Information surplus
             Sealed (closed)                                Leaky (open)
             Opacity                                        Transparency
             Exclusivity                                    Accessibility
             Homogeneity                                    Heterogeneity (diversity)
             Hierarchy                                      Network
             Passive                                        (Inter)activity
             Dominance                                      Competition



               An overlapping model of change but one that is more explicitly critical
             of radical accounts of media is proposed by McNair (2006), who argues that
             there has been a paradigm shift from a mass media ‘control’ paradigm to a
             chaos paradigm. McNair (2006: 199) summarises the paradigm shift as seen in
             Table 2.
               McNair’s central claim is that the ‘vastly expanded supply and availability of
             information’ has resulted in a ‘power-shift from the traditionally information-
             rich elite to the no-longer so information-poor mass’ (2006: 199). Both of
             the above mappings display common characteristics. First, they are stagist.
             Change is regarded in evolutionist terms as a progression from one stage to the
             next, even though this may be qualified by some unevenness and acknowl-
             edgement of co-mingling. Second, they tend to conflate changes which need to
             be distinguished analytically. For instance, these are sets of claims concerning
             changes in industries, markets (supply and demand), media forms and processes,
             political, economic and social and cultural changes. Conflating these tends to
             naturalise processes of change and render them self-acting and self-generating,
             characteristics of technological determinist thinking which tends to suffuse such
             accounts. A third feature, very evident in McNair’s model, is to crudely position
             positive over negative value-terms. These are mappings that stack the deck in
             their favour. One consequence is that even if we might agree about the salience
             of shifts they identify, the alignment with positive terms tends to bracket out
             considerations of gains and losses in such changes. There is also very compelling
             evidence to indicate that in place of a stagist transition from one state of affairs
             to another, there are contradictory tendencies at work across media: concentra-
             tion and disaggregation; convergence and deconvergence; control alongside
             chaos; disempowerment as well as empowerment. The mobilisation of values
             is clearer still if we contrast these positive accounts of communications with
             Croteau and Hoynes’s mapping of market versus public sphere models.
             Affirmative maps, such as McNair’s tend to equate private provision with
             openness. Notwithstanding these critiques, media political economy must engage
             with the claims and arguments put forward by McNair and others. These
             include:
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