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                                                                             Introduction 13
                             Only the second of these categories can easily be construed in
                           radical political terms likely to challenge the dominant meaning
                           system. Even the ‘personal freedom’ issues embodied in Charles and
                           Diana’s failed relationship needs some further translation before it
                           can be used to illuminate the social conditions of those markedly
                           less privileged. Indeed, despite attempts to represent the audience’s
                           response to media coverage of Diana’s death as a challenge to the
                           Royal Family, the sum total of its political effects was a temporary
                           disturbance to Royal protocol with two unprecedented (but hardly
                           revolutionary) events: the lowering of the flag to half-mast at
                           Buckingham Palace and a round of applause during Diana’s funeral
                           service both outside and inside Westminster Abbey. The media’s
                           personalization of the Charles and Diana saga can be viewed more
                           cynically than Hermes as a good example of Baudrillard’s (1983a)
                           notion that media coverage of the superficial rupture of hegemonic
                           structures (for example, Watergate), in practice, reinforces the status
                           quo. In actuality, such apparent ruptures serve only to simulate the
                           presence of real accountability and provide an opportunity to display
                           equally superficial responses from those in power.



                           Conclusion

                           Illustrating O’Neil’s previously cited claim that contemplative
                           thought is disproportionately excluded from discussions of the mass
                           media, critics tend to beach themselves on the rocks of either the
                           Scylla of excessively celebratory cultural populism or the Charybdis 6
                           of reactionary conservatism. The former approach tends to overcom-
                           pensate for the weak quality of the mass-media’s content by praising
                           the inherent worth of any content that requires any interpretation,
                           while the latter promotes cultural exclusivity for its own sake. Critical
                           Theories of Mass Culture attempts to steer a middle ground. It argues
                           that the mass media need to be engaged with on a much more
                           critical and less accommodative basis. It should be noted that those
                           least willing to adopt a critical perspective and most willing to lay the
                           charge of cultural elitism on others are frequently those whose work
                           exacerbates rather than ameliorates the disenfranchised condition of
                           large sections of the mass-media audience – an audience that
                           frequently does not share the same levels of access to cultural capital
                           enjoyed by their purported champions. Cultural populists thus risk
                           celebrating the nature of the life of the enchained prisoners in the
                           Cave while their intellectual capital at least gives them the opportu-
                           nity to leave it.
                             There is a distinct possibility of an inverse relationship between
                           the enthusiasm with which the arguments of cultural populism are
                           put forward and the likelihood of improvements to the cultural








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