Page 109 - Cultural Change and Ordinary Life

100 Cultural change and ordinary life

Cultural taste: qualitative consideration and modes of speech

In a number of papers Holt (e.g. 1995, 1997a, 1997b, 1998) argued in ways that
can be seen as making a number of interconnected points. Thus his work
shows that it is important not just to consider what people say they do (often
in response to relatively crude questions about taste in surveys), but the prac-
tices that they engage in. Thus, what people mean by saying that they like one
form of music rather than another may vary considerably. For example, liking
something may mean listening to it when it comes on the radio or buying
every album (and bootlegs) by an artist and reading every book and article
written about them. There is a danger that these sorts of difference are col-
lapsed under headings of likes and dislikes. In these senses, as Holt (1997b)
explores, practices as well as objects require exploration. Moreover the com-
binations of what people say that they like are significant. Thus, while as
considered earlier, it appears that forms of music that are brought together
under the heading of a genre of ‘world’ are actually very different (and indeed
on a number of levels they are), there is a pattern here and the forms are
considered in similar sorts of ways. Thus they are seen often as some kind of
authentic modes of expression of a ‘traditional’ culture that fits in well with
ideas of authenticity that have been pervasive in modes of distinction in rock
music in the western world.
On the basis of such points, Holt argues ultimately for an agenda of
consideration of cultural taste and distinction that recognizes four themes:

1 Consider culture in ways that recognizes specificities. Thus, for example
asking people what genres of music they like (or dislike) may completely
miss the variation in a genre. Thus most musical genres are rather wide
(and, indeed, vary over time at least partly in response to commercial
decisions) and it is perfectly possible to like one form of country music
and dislike another. Furthermore, these tastes are likely to be patterned
as the omnivore likes some country artists but not others and the uni-
vore likewise.
2 In a related fashion, the meanings of a cultural object and practice
require consideration in context. In a memorable comment, Holt (1997a)
captures this point when he argues that: ‘The social classificatory con-
sequences of a 55-year-old Anglo-Saxon woman declaring her appreci-
ation for rap and rattling off several favourite artists has entirely different
semiotic value from Mexican- or African-American youth doing the
same’ (p. 118).
3 It is important that discussions look across a range of what Holt terms
‘consumption fields’ looking at practices, but also reading, listening to
music, watching films and TV, and so on.
4 He argues that ethnographic consideration is of importance, to get
behind some of the relative bluntness of survey instruments.

These sorts of point can be considered further.
When more qualitative data on cultural taste is considered through the
lens of the omnivore/univore thesis some significant points arise. Thus, in