Page 154 - Cultural Studies Volume 11
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148 CULTURAL STUDIES

            contestation’ (p. 4). For Schwichtenberg this is the ‘Madonna paradigm’ which
            ‘serves as a touchstone for theoretical discussions of issues of morality, sexuality,
            gender  relations,  gay  politics,  multiculturalism,  feminism,  race,  racism,
            pornography, and capitalism (to name a few)’ (p. 4, 3). For E.Ann Kaplan it is
            ‘the Madonna phenomenon’ or ‘MP’, a related notion which highlights Madonna
            as the sum of multiply inflected interpretations rather than a ‘real’ identity. For
            Thomas A.Nakayama and Lisa N.Penaloza she is associated with a ‘racial prism,
            revealing  a  range  of  colours’  (p.  51).  This  figure  is  not  only  convenient  to  the
            maintenance  of  existing  academic  demarcations,  it  is  also  crucial  to  an
            interpretation which must find subversion in such a dominant figure, marginality
            in someone so mainstream. Only by dividing Madonna’s audience into discrete
            ‘cultures’ can the cosy consensus that her massive audience are all subordinate
            resisters be maintained. Like Donahue, everyone can be a rebel, and oppression,
            whilst  it  exists,  is,  in  each  instance,  conveniently  elsewhere.  Even  as  they
            question this consensus Laurie Schulze, Anne Barton White and Jane D.Brown
            invoke  ‘multiple  sets  of  interests  all  along  the  scale  of  power,  in  shifting  and
            frequently  contradictory  patterns’  in  order  to  salvage  ‘insubordination’  for
            both Madonna  fans  and  ‘Madonna  haters’  (p.  32–3).  Resistance  becomes  a
            fetishized  object  which  is  only  ever  contingently  connected  to  the  meaning
            through which it is expressed.


                                      Representation
            As the language in these quotes might suggest, this vision of Madonna is frequently
            authorized with appeals to French poststructuralist theorists, though here they are
            called  postmodernists  and  the  transposition  is  not  insignificant.  Figures  as
            diverse and antagonistic as Foucault, Baudrillard and Derrida have all expressed
            a  bewilderment  at  the  way  they  became  co-opted  into  debates  about
            postmodernism as they crossed the Atlantic. By their own admission they were
            initially either ignorant of or actively hostile to many of its key themes (see, for
            example,  Baudrillard,  1993:  21–3;  Foucault,  1989:250;  Gane,  1991:46,  54–7).
            Here they are blithely lumped together as so many advocates of ‘postmodernist
            theory’. For Schwichtenberg, Foucault has ‘advocated a postmodern proliferation
            of bodies’ (p. 136), for E.Diedre Pribram Baudrillard has a ‘postmodern view’(p.
            204) and so on. Postmodernism serves as a catch-all term through which all these
            theorists  become  advocates  of  an  ‘anti-realist’  theory  (the  feminist  chapters
            consist  of  ‘a  dialogue  between  realist  and  postmodernist  positions’  (p.  7),  the
            simple obverse through which all the familiar representationalist couples—truth/
            fiction, essence/construction, etc.—can be preserved and returned. It also serves
            as a term through which poststructuralists can come around to being theorists of
            fragmentation  and  incoherence,  postmodern  themes  which  can  more  easily  be
            assimilated into an anodyne pluralism. Postmodernism makes poststructuralism
            safe for democracy.
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