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SPATIALITIES OF ‘COMMUNITY’, POWER AND CHANGE 3

            chapter  in  (what  it  is  now  increasingly  inappropriate  to  label  as)  a  geography
            textbook. There, he comments that ‘place, in short, is one of the key discourses
            in  the  systems  of  meaning  we  call  culture’  (Hall,  1995:181).  Certain  forms  of
            cultural identity, he argues, are imagined through a profound sense of belonging
            to a bounded and stable place. Elsewhere, he has argued that other understandings
            of  identity  depend  more  on  notions  of  global  mobility  and  connection  (Hall,
            1990). Like many of those working in this field, Hall understands the difference
            between  these  geographies  of  identity  in  terms  of  a  cultural  politics,  in  this
            instance  of  ‘race’.  Racist  discourses  construct  racialized  identities  in  part  by
            erecting  supposedly  impermeable  barriers  which  depend  on  an  essentialist
            understanding of difference. One way of challenging that spatialized essentialism
            of Same and Other has been to imagine a fluid diaspora of hybridizing cultural
            translations  (Hall,  1990;  Gilroy,  1993;  Mercer,  1994).  Doreen  Massey,  in  a
            parallel  argument,  has  commented  that  reworking  the  politics  of  gender  also
            means reimagining their geographies: ‘challenging certain of the ways in which
            space and place are conceptualized implies also, indeed necessitates, challenging
            the currently dominant form of gender definitions and gender relations’ (Massey,
            1994:2; see also Deutsche, 1991). The assertion that ‘the spatial and the sexual
            constitute one another’ is also being elaborated (Bell and Valentine, 1995:2).
              This field of work is diverse. What I want to draw from it is the argument that
            particular  spatialities  are  produced  by  particular  discourses  of  ‘race’,  gender,
            sexuality and nation (and, by extension, class (Riley, 1988), able-bodiedness, and
            so on). Spatialities articulate the particular structures of those axes of identity by
            giving  them  a  spatial  form.  These  forms  are  also  articulations  of  power:
            discourse  engenders  ‘a  spatial  order  [which]  organizes  an  ensemble  of
            possibilities…and  interdictions’  (de  Certeau,  1984:98).  And  because  different
            articulations  of  identity  exist,  intersect  and  conflict,  ‘simultaneously  present  in
            any  landscape  are  multiple  enunciations  of  distinct  forms  of  space’  (Keith  and
            Pile,  1993:6).  It  is  through  such  complex  discursive  ensembles  that  spaces,
            places and landscapes become meaningful in the context of power-ridden social
            relations, and why dominant forms of spatiality can be contested.
              The  politics  of  one  spatial  organization  of  identity  have  been  discussed  at
            some length recently: those of ‘community’. ‘Community’ has been analysed by
            several  of  the  contributors  to  the  ‘spatial-cultural  discourse’  as  a  regressive
            understanding of place. According to them, ‘community’ provides a structure for
            senses of identity which desire to be stable and harmonious, uniform within and
            hostile to what is positioned as without (Carter et al., 1993). Hall (1995:181), for
            example,  uses  Anderson’s  (1983)  description  of  nationalism  as  an  ‘imagined
            community’  to  define  that  version  of  nationalism  which  ‘establishes  symbolic
            boundaries around a culture, marking off those who belong from those who do
            not’.  Similarly,  Massey  (1994:121–2) has  criticized  certain  self-styled
            ‘communities’ for the ‘seamless coherence and timeless-ness’ with which their
            local  boundaries  are  authenticated  and  essentialized  in  order  to  exclude  those
            designated as outsiders. Both Hall and Massey see such bounded, exclusionary
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