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38                         Chapter One

           thereby permitting the flowering of knowledge unencumbered by “monopo-
           lies.” One such period was the golden age of Greece, when Plato inscribed the
           hitherto oral Socratic dialogues. 166
             For the contemporary period, Innis proposed a recursive (non-determinist,
           dialectical) relationship among culture, knowledge, and political-economic
           power. On the one hand, political-economic power exerts influence over sci-
           ence, affecting scientific research agendas and possibly causing scientists to
           distort their findings; on the other, even when impeccably carried out, science
           disfigures culture.
             To illustrate the first claim, recall scientists in the employ of tobacco, 167
           drug, 168  and certain oil companies, 169  who for pecuniary reasons apparently
           skewed “findings” concerning health or environmental consequences of their
           benefactors’ activities and products. 170  Innis himself proposed that “the bias
           of economics . . . makes the best economists come from powerful coun-
           tries,” 171  indicating that in his view mainstream economics favors the wealthy
           in their contestations with the poor. He drew attention also to the close con-
           juncture between science and the military, writing: “The universities are in
           danger of becoming a branch of the military arm.” 172  The irony and tragedy
           of science, as he saw it, was that once it became free from the monopolies
           controlling time (a victory represented symbolically, perhaps, by Galileo’s ul-
           timate victory in his contestations with the Church), science succumbed to the
           monopolies controlling space (the military and commercial organizations). 173
             Much more could and should be said about this aspect of Innis’ political
           economy of knowledge thesis, and I pursue that general theme further in
           chapter 4. Now, however, I turn to the second issue: how science acts recur-
           sively on culture. Innis wrote,


             The impact of science on cultural development has been evident in its contribu-
             tion to technological advance, notably in communication and in the dissemina-
             tion of knowledge. In turn it has been evident in the types of knowledge dis-
             seminated; that is to say, science lives its own life not only in the mechanism
             which is provided to distribute knowledge but also in the sort of knowledge
             which will be distributed. 174

             The manifestation, the making concrete, of scientific knowledge in new
           technologies is obvious enough: Internet, satellites, television, radio, and
           other “mechanisms . . . to distribute knowledge” may inspire awe just by their
           very  presence, irrespective of content or the ostensible “messages.”  The
           evolving media infrastructure may well affect also one’s view regarding the
           strength and nature of the existential constraints imposed by time and
           space. 175  Innis’ second point, namely that new media are inherently biased or
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