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Genealogy of Political Economy            39

             selective in the types of messages they transmit, is a more nuanced claim, and
             warrants elaboration.
               In Innis’mind the space bias of contemporary society, that is, its undue em-
             phasis on being, also referred to as present-mindedness—its disregard of tra-
             ditions on the one hand, and insouciance concerning the future on the other—
             is associated strongly with “mechanized” media, defined as media that result
             from applied science. This space bias, not being offset to any large extent by
             oral dialectic (his favorite time-binding medium), engenders difficulties in
             understanding.
               For Innis, the inventions of the mechanical printing press and the paper ma-
             chine heralded the onset of mechanization in knowledge production and dis-
             tribution. 176  Mechanization in knowledge production (as in other production),
             he observed, gives rise to both an “obsession with specialization” 177  and to
             dogged pursuit of economies of scale, 178  inducing thereby the rise of the “in-
             formation industries.” 179  (Very likely this is the first time this term, now a
             commonplace, appeared in print). In referring to mechanization of knowledge
             and of media, Innis had in mind not only larger presses and larger print runs,
             but as well larger class sizes in universities, 180  the use of mechanical instru-
             ments including books as teaching aids, 181  the discouragement of oral dia-
             logue and the concomitant decline of critical, creative thought, 182  insistence
             on the efficacy of formulaic knowledge, 183  and perhaps most importantly un-
             due emphasis on the present and on the transitory (“present-mindedness”).
             Citing Laski, Innis wrote sardonically, “Education . . . became the art of
             teaching men to be deceived by the printed word.” 184
               Innis also insisted that organized force normally controls not just scholar-
             ship and education, but also popular culture, which he sometimes termed “the
             vernacular.” He wrote: “The success of organized force is dependent on an ef-
             fective combination of . . . the vernacular in public opinion with technology
             [or media of communication] and science.” 185  Indeed, he claimed, once sci-
             ence had enfeebled religion “as an anchorage,” the state (and, we could add,
             corporations) became “more dependent on cultural development.” 186  It is in
             the area of “cultural development” that Innis’ analysis and commentaries on
             press systems are particularly poignant and merge with Adorno’s analysis of
             the culture industry.
               “Freedom of the press” as guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution, Innis sug-
             gested dryly, narrowed the “marketplace of ideas.” 187  Innis’ coupling of free-
             dom of the press with the growth of monopolies of knowledge on the face of
             it seems absurd, and so warrants further scrutiny. Innis had several things
             in mind. First, freedom of the press meant, in part, freedom of press owners
             to do as they pleased—even to combine into the monopolistic Associated
             Press news system and to enter into restrictive covenants with the telegraph
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