Page 221 - Cultural Theory and Popular Culture an Introduction

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capitalist culture. The role of media corporations, he claims, is to make programmes
which ‘provide in their imagery and messagery, the beliefs and perspectives that create
and reinforce their audiences’ attachments to the way things are in the system overall’ (30).
There are two overlapping problems with this position. First, it is simply assumed
that commodities are the same as culture: establish the presence of the former and you
can predict the details of the latter. But as John Tomlinson (1999) points out, ‘if we
assume that the sheer global presence of these goods is in itself token of a convergence
towards a capitalist monoculture, we are probably utilising a rather impoverished con-
cept of culture – one that reduces culture to its material goods’ (83). It may be the case
that certain commodities are used, made meaningful and valued in ways which pro-
mote American capitalism as a way of life, but this is not something which can be
established by simply assuming that market penetration is the same as cultural or
ideological penetration.
Another problem with this position is that it is an argument that depends on the
claim that commodities have inherent values and singular meanings, which can be
imposed on passive consumers. In other words, the argument operates with a very dis-
credited account of the flow of influence. It simply assumes that the dominant global-
izing culture will be successfully injected into the weaker ‘local’ culture. That is, it is
assumed that people are the passive consumers of the cultural meanings that sup-
posedly flow directly and straightforwardly from the commodities they consume. To
think that economic success is the same as cultural success is to work under the
influence of what I will call ‘mode of production determinism’. That is, the argument
that how something is made determines what it can mean or what it is worth (it is
Hollywood, etc., what do you expect?). Such analysis always seems to want to suggest
that ‘agency’ is always overwhelmed by ‘structure’; that consumption is a mere shadow
of production; that audience negotiations are fictions, merely illusory moves in a game
of economic power. Moreover, ‘mode of production determinism’ is a way of thinking
which seeks to present itself as a form of radical cultural politics. But all too often this
is a politics in which attacks on power are rarely little more than self-serving revelations
about how ‘other people’ are always ‘cultural dupes’ (see Chapters 4 and 10).
A second problem with globalization as cultural Americanization is that it operates
with a limited concept of the ‘foreign’. First of all, it works with the assumption that
what is foreign is always a question of national difference. But what is foreign can
equally be a question of class, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, generation, or any other
marker of social difference (see Figure 9.2). Moreover, what is foreign in terms of being
imported from another country may be less foreign than differences already estab-
lished by, say, class or generation. Furthermore, the imported foreign may be used
against the prevailing power relations of the ‘local’ (see Photo 9.2 and Figure 9.3). This
is probably what is happening with the export of hip hop. What are we to make of the
global success of ‘hip hop’? Are, for example, South African, French, Chinese or British
rappers (and fans of hip hop) the victims of American cultural imperialism? Are they
the cultural dupes of a transnational music industry? A more interesting approach
would be to look at how South Africans, French, Chinese or British youth have ‘appro-
priated’ hip hop; used it to meet their local needs and desires. In other words, a more