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                226   Chapter 10 The politics of the popular

                          Thus, the fan is always in constant conflict, not only with the various structures of
                          power, but also with the vast audience of media consumers. But such an elitist view
                          of fandom does little to illuminate the complex relations that exist between forms
                          of popular culture and their audiences. While we may all agree that there is a dif-
                          ference  between  the  fan  and  the  consumer,  we  are  unlikely  to  understand  the
                          difference if we simply celebrate the former category and dismiss the latter one
                          (ibid.).

                         In a similar way, subcultural analysis has always tended to celebrate the extraordin-
                      ary against the ordinary – a binary opposition between resistant ‘style’ and conformist
                      ‘fashion’. Subcultures represent youth in resistance, actively refusing to conform to the
                      passive commercial tastes of the majority of youth. Once resistance has given way to
                      incorporation, analysis stops, waiting for the next ‘great refusal’. Gary Clarke (1990)
                      draws attention to the London-centredness of much British subcultural theory, with
                      its suggestion that the appearance of a given youth subculture in the provinces is a
                      telling sign of its incorporation. It is not surprising, then, that he also detects a certain
                      level of cultural elitism structuring much of the classic cultural studies work on youth
                      subcultures.

                          I  would  argue  generally  that  the  subcultural  literature’s  focus  on  the  stylistic
                          deviance of a few contains (albeit implicitly) a similar treatment of the rest of the
                          working class as unproblematically incorporated. This is evident, for example, in
                          the distaste felt for youth deemed as outside subcultural activity – even though most
                          ‘straight’ working-class youths enjoy the same music, styles, and activities as the
                          subcultures – and in the disdain for such cults as glam, disco, and the Ted revival,
                          which lack ‘authenticity’. Indeed, there seems to be an underlying contempt for
                          ‘mass culture’ (which stimulates the interest in those who deviate from it) that
                          stems  from  the  work  of  the  Marxism  of  the  Frankfurt  School  and,  within  the
                          English tradition, to the fear of mass culture expressed in The Uses of Literacy (90).

                         If  subcultural  consumption  is  to  remain  an  area  of  concern  in  cultural  studies,
                      Clarke suggests that future analysis ‘should take the breakthrough of a style as its start-
                      ing point’ (92), rather than seeing this as the defining moment of incorporation. Better
                      still, cultural studies should focus on ‘the activities of all youths to locate continuities
                      and discontinuities in culture and social relations and to discover the meaning these
                      activities have for the youths themselves’ (95).





                         The economic field


                      McGuigan  (1992)  claims,  as  I  observed  earlier,  that  ‘the  separation  of  contempor-
                      ary cultural studies from the political economy of culture has been one of the most
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