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                                                                           The culture of other people  33

                      previously accepted what was handed down to them or who had practically no aes-
                      thetic expression and reception’ (ibid.). Like Fiedler, Shils does not shy away from the
                      claim that America is the home of mass culture. He calls America ‘that most massive of
                      all mass societies’ (218). But he remains optimistic: ‘As a matter of fact, the vitality, the
                      individuality, which may rehabilitate our intellectual public will probably be the fruits
                      of the liberation of powers and possibilities inherent in mass societies’ (226). As Ross
                      (1989) suggests, in Fiedler’s essay, and in the work of other writers in the 1950s and
                      early 1960s,

                          the concept of ‘class’ makes a conditional return after its years in the intellectual
                          wilderness.  This  time,  however,  class  analysis  returns  not  to  draw  attention  to
                          conflicts and contradictions, as had been the case in the thirties, but rather to serve
                          a hegemonic moment in which a consensus was being established about the non
                          antagonistic coexistence of different political conceptions of the world. Cultural
                          classes could exist as long as they kept themselves to themselves (58).

                        Cultural choice and consumption become both the sign of class belonging and the
                      mark of class difference. However, instead of class antagonism, there is only plurality
                      of consumer choice within a general consensus of the dangers within and the dangers
                      without. In short, the debate about mass culture had become the terrain on which to
                      construct the Cold War ideology of containment. After all, as Melvin Tumin (1957)
                      points out, ‘America and Americans have available to them the resources, both of mind
                      and matter, to build and support the finest culture the world has ever known’ (550).
                      The  fact  that  this  has  not  yet  occurred  does  not  dismay  Tumin;  for  him  it  simply
                      prompts  the  question:  How  do  we  make  it  happen?  For  the  answer,  he  looks  to
                      American intellectuals, who ‘never before have . . . been so well placed in situations
                      where  they  can  function  as  intellectuals’  (ibid.),  and  through  the  debate  on  mass
                      culture, to take the lead in helping to build the finest popular culture the world has ever
                      known.





                        The culture of other people


                      It is easy to be critical of the ‘culture and civilization’ tradition’s approach to popular
                      culture.  Given  the  recent  developments  in  the  field  of  cultural  theory,  it  is  almost
                      enough to present a narrative of its approach to condemn it to populist disapproval.
                      However, it must be remembered that from a historical point of view, the tradition’s
                      work is absolutely foundational to the project of the study of popular culture in British
                      cultural studies. Furthermore, the impact of the tradition is difficult to overestimate: for
                      more than a century it was undoubtedly the dominant paradigm in cultural analysis.
                      Indeed, it could be argued that it still forms a kind of repressed ‘common sense’ in cer-
                      tain areas of British and American academic and non-academic life.
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